Sajjad Sarwar Niazi , Punnu Khel, First Station Director of All India Radio Peshawar
The Unhappy Muslims
FROM MY DEAR MR KHALID AZIZ
What do you think?
Regards,
Khalid
Sent from my iPhone
Begin forwarded message:
> Everyone seems to be wondering why Muslim
> Terrorists are so quick to commit suicide.
> Lets have a look at the evidence:
> - No Christmas
> - No television
> - No nude women
> - No football
> - No pork chops
> - No hot dogs
> - No burgers
> - No beer
> - No bacon
> - Rags for clothes
> - Towels for hats
> - Constant wailing from some one in a tower
>
> - More than one wife
> More than one mother in law
> - You can't shave
>
> - You can't wash off the smell of donkey
> - You cook over burning camel shit
> - Your wife is picked by someone else for you
> Then they tell you that "when you die, it all gets better"??
> Well no sh*t Sherlock!....
> It's not like it could get much worse
>
> THE MUSLIMS ARE NOT HAPPY!
>
> They're not happy in Gaza ..
> They're not happy in Egypt ...
> They're not happy in Libya ..
> They're not happy in Morocco ...
> They're not happy in Iran ..
> They're not happy in Iraq ..
> They're not happy in Yemen ..
> They're not happy in Afghanistan ..
> They're not happy in Pakistan ..
> They're not happy in Syria ..
> They're not happy in Lebanon ..
>
> SO, WHERE ARE THEY HAPPY?
>
> They're happy in Australia .
> They're happy in Canada .
> They're happy in The UK ..
> They're happy in France ..
> They're happy in Italy ..
> They're happy in Germany ..
> They're happy in Sweden ..
> They're happy in the USA ..
> They're happy in Norway ..
> They're happy in Holland .
> They're happy in Denmark .
>
> Basically, they're happy in every country that is not Muslim
> and unhappy in every country that is!
>
> AND WHO DO THEY BLAME?
>
> Not Islam.
> Not their leadership.
> Not themselves.
>
> THEY BLAME THE COUNTRIES THEY ARE HAPPY IN!
>
> AND THEN; They want to change those countries to be like....
> THE COUNTRY THEY CAME FROM, WHERE THEY WERE UNHAPPY!
>
> Excuse me, but I can't help wondering...
> How dumb can one be?
> *** This Message Has Been Sent Using BlackBerry Internet Service from Mobilink ***
Bangalore, the IT capital of India
Best Regards,
Dr Ishtiaq Ahmed
Visiting Professor, LUMS, Pakistan; Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Stockholm University; and Honorary Senior Fellow, Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. Latest publications: Winner of the Best Non-Fiction Book award at the Karachi Literature Festival: The Punjab Bloodied, Partitioned and Cleansed), Oxford, 2012; and, Pakistan: The Garrison State, Origins, Evolution, Consequences (1947-2011), Oxford, 2013. He can be reached at: billumian@gmail.com
Daily Times, Monday, August 12, 2013
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2013\08\12\story_12-8-2013_pg3_3
COMMENT : Bangalore: the IT capital of India — Dr Ishtiaq Ahmed
On the whole, Indian Muslims are a poor community but in south India it is better because communalism is not part of the regular political landscape
On Friday February 16, 2013, I arrived in the Indian Silicon Valley, Bangalore from Mumbai. I was now in the Karnataka state deep down in south India. The very talented journalist and writer, Aakar Patel, received me very warmly. I had been reading his articles in the Pakistani and Indian media and found them delightfully well researched and very crisply crafted. He has oftentimes, with great courage, presented a fairer and more-balanced picture of Pakistan in the Indian media. Patel and Tushita, also an accomplished journalist, are a young couple who left Mumbai for Bangalore to enjoy a better quality of life, and I must say it was a very wise decision. Their hospitality was truly generous. A major Muslim mosque and attached park complex is just some 400 metres from their place. We discussed that there is hardly a place in India where the azaan is not within hearing distance. On Sunday there was a large gathering at the park where people come for relaxation and socialising.
Bangalore is situated on the Deccan plateau, which I believe extends from Maharashtra into Karnataka. It is the most well-maintained and successful city of India. Although the fifth largest city of India, one does not feel the congestion one experiences in other Indian cities. Its central areas are comparable to European standards.
In the afternoon I gave my first lecture at the Indian Institute of Science (IIS). In south India, interest in the Punjab partition was not great so I was invited to speak on my new book, Pakistan: The Garrison State, Origins, Evolution, Consequences (1947-2011). It turned out to be a very attentive and lively audience. People were anxious to find out what could be the reason for such deep antipathy between India and Pakistan. I told them that while we in Pakistan must demand changes in our curriculum that were inimical to friendship with India, there was the need to combat stereotyping of Pakistanis as extremists in the Indian media.
Early next morning Patel took me on a walking tour of colonial Bangalore with its beautiful bungalows and government buildings and large trees. The tour is arranged every Sunday and is an excellent introduction to the rise of Bangalore as the favourite city of the British in south India, presumably because of the cool climate. The guide turned out to be extremely well informed and congenial. I had not realised until then that Aurangzeb's thrust southwards reached even Bangalore and in fact beyond. Later, Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan briefly ruled over Bangalore. The British wrested it away on March 21, 1791 from Tipu Sultan in the Third Anglo-Mysore War. I also learnt that an Englishman Captain McClintock of the British Indian Army (the mother army of both the Indian and Pakistani armies) invented the Bangalore torpedo, an explosive device used for blowing up booby traps and barricades. It has been used extensively in warfare, including the first and second world wars.
A young man who was on the tour started talking to me. He told me that he belonged to a Muslim Memon family of Bangalore and had joined the walking tour with a view to learning more about his city. The conversation with him gave some idea of the multifarious businesses in which the Muslims have an interest. On the whole, Indian Muslims are a poor community but in south India it is better because communalism is not part of the regular political landscape.
I then left for a holiday in Mysore and Seringapatam. On February 21, I gave a talk at the up and coming Azim Premji University. There my host was Dr Chandan Gowda, whose generosity and kindness touched me deeply. Azim Premji, one of the wealthiest men of India, is a Bohra Muslim. The campus is still under construction. Professor Sethi who introduced me turned out to be Punjabi. His family were refugees from Rawalpindi, so the Punjabi connection came to life. The question and answer was once again very animated and stimulating. I got the distinct feeling that Pakistan is now considered a separate and distinct entity but the Indians could not understand why so much terrorism emanates from there. I tried my best to argue that Pakistan is itself the biggest victim of terrorism but that can hardly be an argument to consider such behaviour as normal.
Many Muslim students attended my lecture and some came and talked to me later. I could sense how the partition of India had left them permanently in the lurch and they were keen for an early India-Pakistan rapprochement. This point needs to be emphasised strongly in India-Pakistan rapprochement initiatives.
Many retirees settle in Bangalore. Among them is my senior friend of many years, Shri Bhisham Kumar Bakhshi, who grew up in Rawalpindi and was 13 at the time of partition. His story of migration in 1947 is included in my Punjab partition book. Mr Bakhshi is the gentlest of human beings I have met. Although of Brahmin extraction, I have always found him to be one of the strongest opponents of the caste system. He still spoke in his Potohari dialect. Twice he has visited Rawalpindi and on one occasion, his ancestral village outside Rawalpindi.
I met a gentleman at a party I went with Patel, whose grandfather was from Balochistan. I gathered the family had some business in Balochistan before the partition. Bangalore, Aakar Patel, Mr Bakhshi, India and Pakistan — life is a strange journey and one doesn't know where one could land up one day and who one might meet.
The writer is a visiting professor, LUMS, Pakistan; Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Stockholm University; and Honorary Senior Fellow, Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. Latest publications: Winner of the Best Non-Fiction Book award at the Karachi Literature Festival: The Punjab Bloodied, Partitioned and Cleansed, Oxford, 2012; and Pakistan: The Garrison State, Origins, Evolution, Consequences (1947-2011), Oxford, 2013. He can be reached at:billumian@gmail.com
USA,PAKISTAN,CIA,ISI,AL QAEDA AND TALIBAN-ANATOMY OF GRAND US STRATEGIC FAILURE
USA, ISI, AL QAEDA and TALIBAN Anatomy of Grand US Strategic Failure
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How to Make Proxy War Succeed in Baluchistan
How to Make Proxy War Succeed in Baluchistan
For decades, Pakistan has engaged in a proxy war against India. Much of that proxy war has been secretive, while many of those secrets have been exposed. At other times, Pakistan has made threats of taking war deep inside Indian territory, and Hamid Gul has openly voiced the disintegration of India. Pakistan's proxy wars have extended from J&K and Punjab to the Northeast regions and the Maoist belt. Pakistani assistance for the Indian mujahedeen and homegrown Indian terrorists has arrived by way of Nepal, Burma, Bangladesh, infiltration across the LOC in J&K, and infiltration of the Punjab and Rajasthan borders. The smuggling of narcotics into Punjab is accompanied by small arms quickly stockpiled in sleeper cells and mosques across India. Pakistan is playing towards an endgame; in contrast, India reacts in knee-jerk fashion, rather than catching Pakistani action before the effect, and finds its own plays in Pakistan stymied by an ever-alert ISI.
Pakistan is playing towards an endgame; in contrast, India reacts in knee-jerk fashion, rather than catching Pakistani action before the effect…
For years, Pakistan has succeeded in suborning Indian military and government officers and politicians, while India has fallen flat in all such attempts. And even today, Pakistan finds sympathizers among a very large Indian population that would rather see Muslim and Pakistani rule in India rather than secular Indian rule. Given this internal shortcoming, India has enemies not only on its borders, but within, as well. This makes India's task of maintaining its sovereignty all the more difficult. But fortunately for India, India's massive population serves as a buffer to a lot of that action, thereby serving to mitigate and absorb the forces that would otherwise disintegrate India. But for India to bank on this strength alone would be unwise, for this bastion can easily break, just as it was broken for the past one thousand years before independence in 1947.
Pakistani has truly bled India by its proxy wars. Revenue income from J&K and the North East are much lower than potential. Narcotic distribution by Pakistan in Punjab has resulted in lackluster growth in Punjab's GDP – for decades the most prosperous state in India. The Maoists have sucked revenue growth in nearly 40% of India's land mass. That India should grow in real terms at 6% per year is simply amazing given these odds. What India could do if these hurdles and negative forces were absent would probably be nothing short of a miracle. It therefore seems appropriate to conclude that Pakistan is coming in the direct way of India's miracle. Naturally, no rational Indian wants to see Pakistan continue to do so. Hence, the common Indian further concludes that Pakistan must either be stopped in its destructive actions against India by peaceful action, or be annihilated by force to cease and desist.
The former sees no chance of success: all the diplomacy over decades by the 800-strong Indian Foreign service has yielded nothing more than failures, four wars, and numerous smaller military actions, and daily incursions by Pakistan into India. This is not what can be called successful Indian diplomacy, no matter how smart the diplomats or what scores they earned in their IAS entrance exams. The real world of diplomacy consists of grenades and bullets, not roses and choice gardens. The real world offers injured and dead soldiers and widows, not posh bungalows in Lutyens' Delhi. The real world sees blood, sweat, heat, cold, and tears in guarding the borders, not air conditioned rooms of rich parliamentarians in central and south Delhi. It is time to come with the wave, to understand mainstream India, to think like the Indians who earn less than $2 a day – mainstream India – which doesn't get three square meals a day, and is pained to access medical assistance, and dies prematurely largely because there is an enemy that sucks India's resources and kills its people from within. For Pakistan, it is a very intelligent way to succeed against a larger India; for India, it is the lamb being led to the slaughterhouse. And because mainstream India continues to carry an ever-increasing yoke, they are slowly turning against the governments that are supposed to look after them. Long gone is the time when the poor looked upon the government as mai-baap. The increased alienation of mainstream India from Indian government is a direct threat to India's security and sovereignty. Aadhar and other such programs are scarcely going to lift the sense of alienation, no matter which government or coalition is at the center.
…a proxy war by Pakistan in two Indian provinces merely affects less than 10% of all Indian provinces, a proxy war by India in two Pakistani provinces can affect 40% of Pakistan.
Thus, in this thesis, the actions that detract from Indian economic growth must be neutralized, and foremost among these is Pakistani proxy wars and interference in India. So, short of an invasion of Pakistan, an Indian proxy war inside Pakistan must be expanded. Whereas a proxy war by Pakistan in two Indian provinces merely affects less than 10% of all Indian provinces, a proxy war by India in two Pakistani provinces can affect 40% of Pakistan. By its sheer size, Pakistani resilience can be less, and Pakistani response to Indian proxy wars can be less effective. In addition, the effect of proxy wars on the Pakistani economy can be much more to Pakistan than a proxy war on India by Pakistan. Nevertheless, Pakistan did not learn the lesson that those who live in glass houses should not throw stones. Pakistan never thought that two could play the game; or else, they thought they could disintegrate India before India woke up. Well, that was not the case. India plans to take proxy wars into Pakistani territory, and pay Pakistan back in its own coin. But let's analyze how a proxy war may succeed within Pakistan.
Requisite Principles of Proxy Wars
As experience around the world has shown, a successful proxy war that is able to disaffiliate a part of a territory or initiate regime change in a country must consider four major parameters:
- The numerical size of the rebel army
- The volume of external aid and military assistance actually provided to the rebels
- The resolve and ability of the home army to resist the armed rebellion
- The physical presence of external military action by a foreign country.
We can study a few examples to illustrate that all the above four must be present in appropriate proportions for the rebellion to succeed. Requisites 1, 2, and 4 should be as high as possible, while requisite 3 should be as low as possible.
In 1971, the Mukti Bahini had rebels in large numbers, and received a large volume of Indian military supplies, advisors, and Bengali soldiers from the Indian army, thus fulfilling requisites 1 and 2 above. However, Pakistan had about one corps plus two divisions spread over all parts of Bangladesh to suppress all uprisings in all parts of East Pakistan, thereby demonstrating Pakistani resolve to hold on to East Pakistan, thereby fulfilling requisite 3 above. But then, as anyone can understand, without Indian military action that invaded East Pakistan, no one thinks that Bangladesh would have been created. Hence, Mukti Bahini resistance would have been resisted by Pakistani forces till doomsday, even if it meant that the economy would go to ruin and all East Pakistanis would die. Therefore, the liberation of Bangladesh would have been impossible without direct Indian military intervention.
…the effect of proxy wars on the Pakistani economy can be much more to Pakistan than a proxy war on India by Pakistan.
Look now at how the Americans fought off the Russians in Afghanistan. The Americans benefitted from a very large numerical rebel force in the shape of the mujahedeen, supplied effective firepower to them, such as the stinger missiles that succeeded in bringing down the vast majority of the Russian helicopter and air fighting fleet, and supplied military and CIA advisors on the ground. These fulfilled requisites 1 and 2 above. Russian resolve began to weaken after American weaponry began to take a toll on their military, thereby assuring that requisite 3 did not continue as a major criterion in the rebel action. Finally, Pakistani forces were lined up along the entire Durand line to offer physical support to the mujahidin, impart physical training and logistics in executing rebel action, and stood as a solid front to dissuade a Russian invasion of Pakistan, while standing as a threat of possibly intervening in Afghanistan should the situation call for it with American blessings. This requisite 4 was present in this long drawn battle that eventually saw success by the rebels.
Later, in Kosovo, NATO bombing was so devastating and overwhelming that internal resolve to resist was wiped out. But, even with a small numerical size of the rebel army, the out-of-proportion external military intervention via aerial bombing carried the day, and Kosovo was set on the path of independence.
Look next at Libya: a large rebel base, especially in East Libya, was granted weapons by NATO while CIA advisors guided strategy and tactics on the ground. American army teams provided clandestine field medical facilities. The Libyan army had already been reduced to ineffectiveness by Gaddafi because he feared they may launch a coup against him just as he did against King Idris, so the ability of the Libyan army to resist was reduced. Gaddafi had to procure mercenaries from neighboring Male who had mixed loyalties and so took Gaddafi's money till the going was good, but then abandoned him when the going got tough. Finally, NATO warplanes such as the Eurofighter and Rafale delivered the coup d'etat to Libyan forces for over weeks of prolonged fighting. Again, we see that all four requisites in our criteria were present to favorable degrees for the regime change to succeed through a proxy war.
Now look at Syria: Whereas the Free Syrian Army has a large numerical size, the arms it receives are limited as America refuses to arm them, while Europe is a reluctant supplier. The resolve of Bashar Assad to resist knows no end; and external intervention is all but missing, with only one or two Israeli air raids into Syria, but that also only to target fissile nuclear material and movement of trucks and machinery required for Syria's clandestine nuclear program. Hence, it can be observed that Syria's civil war is dragging on slowly and painfully at a rotten pace. The external ingredient is convincingly missing in the right proportion for the rebel action to succeed convincingly. Thus, the lesser the external supply and physical action on the ground, the longer the rebel action can be expected to take; if external assistance is stepped up, the Assad regime is likely to crumble faster.
India has sent in up to 500,000 troops at one time to control Kashmir. Moreover, any military action that Pakistan initiates across the Line of Control (LOC) is not sufficient to overpower Indian forces.
The applications of the requisites are applicable and relevant everywhere. The Chechen and Sinkiang rebellions have been unsuccessful because there is no external physical action present. The only armaments they get are from other Islamic groups in Asia, which is of an insufficient and meager amount. Sinkiang rebels have been trained second hand by mujahidin in Afghanistan and madrasas in Pakistan, a poor substitute for the real training. Similarly, the Mindanao rebels have failed to severe from the Philippines because internal resolve to resist them is high and external actions to intervene are absent. Gaddafi funded the Mindanao rebels for a long time in the 1990s and 2000s, and their rebel attacks were aggressive during those days, but the situation is apparently contained now because the necessary requisites have further diminished.
In 1979, we saw that the Cambodian populace, unable to overthrow a blood-sucking Pol-Pot, required an actual Vietnamese invasion to overthrow the brutal regime, since no amount of earlier Vietnamese weapon assistance to the rebel armies seemed to suffice. Overall, it can be noticed all over the world that the principle of the four requisites is applicable and relevant in every proxy war that anyone seeks to fight.
The Principle of Requisites Applied to Pakistan's Proxy Wars in India
Coming now to India, it is seen that Nagaland is still a part of India inspite of the fact that the numerical size of rebels was tangible; they received small arms from outside sources (read: China and Pakistan). But they underestimated the resolve of successive Indian governments, and there was no external enemy action against Nagaland. Hence requisite 1 existed; requisite 2 was present to a considerable extent, but not to the fullest extent; and requisites 3 and 4 were absent; the result: proxy wars waged by Pakistan and China in Nagaland have been unsuccessful in severing Nagaland from the Indian union.
…the uprisings, revolts, and rebellions continue in Baluchistan today. MI6 and CIA are interested in carving the country of Baluchistan, in which they find themselves as strange bedfellows with Iran, with the same end interest, but for a different reason.
Extend this principle to J&K. Pakistan has tried repeatedly since 1947 to severe J&K from India. Pakistan has provided small arms, sent its own military personnel to infiltrate Kashmir to create turmoil, has grown a rebel mujahidin army with the help of other terrorist outfits, and has succeeded in destroying the economic base of Kashmir, but has failed to severe Kashmir from India. India's resolve to hang on to J&K is steadfast, resolute, and non-negotiable. In addition, India has sent in up to 500,000 troops at one time to control Kashmir. Moreover, any military action that Pakistan initiates across the Line of Control (LOC) is not sufficient to overpower Indian forces. Hence, whereas requisites 1 and 2 are present in Kashmir, requisites 3 and 4 are not present in adequate proportions.
The situation with the Maoists has not reached extreme proportions yet. Perhaps when India has to fight on two-and-a-half fronts, this dimension may pose a problem, but for the present, the Maoist situation, by itself, is missing requisites 3 and 4; requisite 1 is very, very strongly in its favor, and requisite 2 is also existent because the Maoists are known to receive small arms with Chinese markings, unless the allegation is propaganda by Indian counter-intelligence. Hence, the Maoists can fret and fume from event after event, but they will be unable to secure major advantages till requisites 3 and 4 fall into place, which is why the Maoist problem is still somewhat contained.
Proxy Wars in Pakistan: Baluch Focus
Now, move to Baluchistan, which is the main site of India's proclaimed proxy war in Pakistan. The British and Americans also have strong interest in creating an independent Baluchistan, not to mention Iran's interest because Baluchistan is predominantly Shia, like Iran. British Prime Minister Tony Blair apparently put the idea into America's ear that having an independent Baluchistan would solve America's overland route problem into Afghanistan. The British SIS (or MI6) consequently initiated clandestine action with the CIA post 10/11 to foment rebellion in Baluchistan, once American troops displaced the Taliban from power in Afghanistan. Hence requisite 2 went into action. The numerical size of the rebels was relatively small when the Western powers started, but that got built to some 4-6,000 rebels, about the size of two brigades, and enough to cause turmoil, blow up army depots, harass military convoys, and launch surprise attacks at military bases. Seeing an upswing in Baluch rebellion in 2004, Musharraf sent in one division and two brigades to quash the rebellion. Soon, the octogenarian leader of Baluchistan, Nawab Akbar Bugti, Oxford-educated, and a former Governor of Baluchistan, was assassinated by Musharraf in 2006, who claimed it a victory for the Pakistani people1. In 2007, the Pakistani army resorted to indiscriminate civilian attacks in the regions of Kahan and Dera Bugti; over 200 houses were razed, and more than 100 civilians, women and children killed. In addition, Pakistani forces poured into more than a dozen cities to suppress pro-independence protests; the army further used helicopter gunships and carpet bombed entire villages in Kahan, Taratani and Kamalan Kech areas. Dozens of Baluch were shot dead in cold blood by executing squads, 400 were arrested, another 500 were kidnapped. The human rights violations were appalling.2
Indian covert action in Baluchistan is fair tit-for-tat for Pakistani proxy wars in India. India should not be left wanting in its own security concerns.
In 2012, nearly 1,000 people were officially known killed in Baluchistan,3 in a province of only 8 million people, even though it occupies 44% of the land area of Pakistan. The daughter and grand-daughter of Bugti were slaughtered in their car in the streets of Karachi, to send a gruesome message to Bugti's grandson, Brahmadagh, the leader of the Baluch Republican Party.4 It appears that the rebellion is weighted in the opposite direction to what intended: rebel groups and sympathizers are being slaughtered by home security forces rather than the other way around. Nevertheless, after Musharraf's departure to England, an FIR was issued against him for the murder of Akbar Bugti. Musharraf will still have to face the music after he returns on March 24, 2013 to Pakistan.
Thus, the uprisings, revolts, and rebellions continue in Baluchistan today. MI6 and CIA are interested in carving the country of Baluchistan, in which they find themselves as strange bedfellows with Iran, with the same end interest, but for a different reason. For Iran, it's a question of creating a larger Shia conglomerate; for the Americans and British it is to have an overland route to Afghanistan, as well as have a physical base from where to monitor Pakistani nuclear movements; for India, it is simply a matter to break-up and weaken an arch enemy. India is assumed to provide assistance to the Baluch, an action that India need not be ashamed of, though Pakistan tried to shame India in this matter in the famous 2009 joint statement between Yousuf Raza Gilani and Manmohan Singh.5 Creating a proxy war in Baluchistan to severe it from Pakistan is in the direct interest of India. First, the mineral-rich province will then no longer provide resources and riches to Pakistan, an event that will directly deplete Pakistani military expenditure. While Baluchistan is easily Pakistan's richest province, its people are its poorest, mainly because Pakistan has exploited Baluchistan like a colony. The human rights excesses by Pakistan in Baluchistan are enough of a moral reason to assist and aid the Baluch in segregating from Pakistan. But more than that, Pakistan has been enough of an enemy of India to attract India's legitimate and moral wrath. Finally, Indian covert action in Baluchistan is fair tit-for-tat for Pakistani proxy wars in India. India should not be left wanting in its own security concerns. An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth is fair policy. But India needs to brook no nonsense, and like every other country in its place, has the moral right to react disproportionately: Two eyes for one; and the whole jaw for a tooth!
Brief History of Baluchistan
Baluchistan consists of a western province in Iran, a northern province in Afghanistan, and a central province in Pakistan. They speak a dialect distantly related to the Kurdish people. Ironically, the Baluch are deprived of a nation just like the Kurds, who are also divided across three countries. In the 19th century, the Persians and British agreed to divide Baluchistan into a Persian sector, an Afghan province, and an independent central state that served as a vassal state to Great Britain,6 much like Kashmir. These vassal states protected Great Britain from invasions from the West and North, especially considering that they entered into a separate agreement with Russia to keep Afghanistan as a virtual no-man's land. Thus, Britain's borders to the north and west against the major empires of the time – Russia, Persia, and a potential China were secure. Tibet was an added buffer against both Russian and Chinese invasions, remembering that Chengiz Khan had come into North India through Tibet and Afghanistan, while Russia had expanded southwards into Central Asia during the major part of the early 19th century.
At Indian independence in 1947, Baluchistan, like Kashmir, was kept out of the India-Pakistan equation, and both Kashmir and Baluchistan were left as independent, sovereign states by Britain, with Britain actually recognizing Baluchistan as a sovereign state. But, on March 26, 1948, 300 years of Baluch autonomy came to a striking end when the Pakistani army walked in, much like India walked into Hyderabad. That India recognized Pakistani occupation of Baluchistan was probably in reciprocity to Pakistani recognition of India's occupation of Hyderabad.
The total rebel strength is still not estimated at more than 5,000 armed fighters – perhaps as low as 2,000. This number is much too small to sustain an effective armed uprising.
Arab nationalists in Iraq, Syria, and Egypt began to support Baluch independence in the 1950s. Iraq renewed its support of Iranian Baloch during the Iran-Iraq war of 1980-88. Very logically, Russia supported Pakistani Baluch during their occupation of Afghanistan, 1979-1989. Ahmad Akbar Bugti rose to prominence in the 1990s, galvanized Baluch resistance, but was squarely eliminated by Musharraf in the 2000s. Harsh repressions against Baluch nationals, presumed rebels, and sympathizers continues today by Pakistani security forces, thereby further alienating the sentiments of the Baluch people. But the Baluch people simply are a small population and suffer from inadequate external assistance to carve their independence. This, in a nutshell, is the Baluch history. In all this, it must not be forgotten that the Baluch are an independent group of people who have had their own country in the past; they are a sovereign people who want to see an end to Punjabi exploitation from Islamabad, and now rightfully seek their own free nation.
Implementation of the Baluch Proxy War
So, inasmuch as India needs to foment Baluch rebellion, let's apply the four principle requisites to the problem. First, there are an insufficient number of Baluch rebels available who will fight for independence. The total rebel strength is still not estimated at more than 5,000 armed fighters – perhaps as low as 2,000. This number is much too small to sustain an effective armed uprising. In contrast, the Free Syrian Army has a maximum of 50,000 fighters,7 including deserters from the Syrian Army, but is still in a tough face-off with the Syrian Army, which is much smaller and less professional than the Pakistani army.
In comparison, the Pakistani army is 450,000 strong, and so Pakistan can very easily suppress any armed rebellion by 2,000 Baluch rebels. That the people of Baluchistan may suffer in the process or that the province may become poorer is not of concern to Pakistani Punjabis. All that the Pakistani Punjabis want are the minerals and resources of Baluchistan, the rest being damned. Hence, an armed rebellion in Baluchistan may not be more than a bee sting for Pakistan that Pakistan can easily shrug and forget.
Pakistani resolve to retain Baluchistan is firm. Pakistan's ISI and military is pro-active in weeding possible Baluch rebels, often kidnapping innocent men and women in the process.
Thus we see that requisite 1 is difficult to fulfill, notwithstanding British, American, Iranian, and Indian wishes in the matter. Requisite 2 is hard to come by, because effective weaponry is not being given yet, in spite of what people may believe. The Western powers are forever wary that their assistance may fall into the wrong hands. India's hardware assistance is miniscule. Russian assistance stopped in 1989, even though the Russians first raised the Baluch Liberation Army (BLA). But, with RAW and RAD (Russian Intelligence) help, America trained some 30 Baluch fighters in 2002 that RAW helped select.8 But anyone can understand that 30 fighters is a pitiable joke for a huge province! Other reports claim that numerous training camps have come up across Pakistan,9 but how many fighters do they produce? Thirty per camp in ten camps? This is still an extremely small number to stir a rebellion. The numbers of camps that have been discovered and destroyed by Pakistani forces are also significant, so India's results are certainly not 100%, but closer to 50%, in all likelihood. Thus, the proxy war situation is even more pathetic than expected. The deaths and assaults reported for Baluchistan are of Baluch by Taliban and Pakistani security forces rather than the other way around. Baluch rebel assaults on Pakistani military forces are all but non-existent. If the rebellion were meaningful and strong, more Pakistani military casualties would be registered. Foreign weapon assistance, including from India, is minimal.10 The assistance from America and Britain has slid to lip-service and hearings at the US Congress. The action on the ground is far from meaningful. The rhetoric, as usual, especially in Indian security analysis circles is hyped up. They catch a mouse and claim to have caught a tiger! This is typical Indian personality, characterized by some degree of inferiority. The truth is that the Baluch proxy war is close to dreaming of action but having none of it; impotence is a better way to characterize it. India knows how to count its chickens, but not hatch them.
On the other hand, Pakistani resolve to retain Baluchistan is firm. Pakistan's ISI and military is pro-active in weeding possible Baluch rebels, often kidnapping innocent men and women in the process. "In the period from 2003-2012 it is estimated that 8,000 people were kidnapped by Pakistani security forces in the province. In 2008 alone an estimated 1,102 Baluch people disappeared. There have also been [widespread] reports of torture."11 These reports widely resemble Indian army actions in Nagaland in the 1960s and Punjab in the 1980s, and even now both those provinces are firmly in Indian territory. Pakistan has systematically eliminated members of the BLA and other would-be rebels, even though General Kakar, former Chief of Army of Staff of Pakistan, called Musharraf's actions in killing Bugti a mistake.12 The will of the Pakistani political and military machinery to squash Baluch rebellion is strong; this thereby indicates that requisite 3 is not adequate for a rebellion to succeed.
Thus, requisites 1, 2, and 3 are wanting. However, it is possible to tilt these by using requisite 4 in such a way that it overcomes all other requisites. Thus, by the Indian army opening its guns all along the 1,850 mile Indo-Pak border, and stepping up weapon supplies to the Baluch Liberation Army (BLA), much as it did to the Mukti Bahini, India can hope to tie down Pakistani forces on its Eastern front, while military installations in Baluchistan can be torched by rebels, and bombarded by Indian naval gunships and missile ships. Much as India loaned its Bengali officers and soldiers to the Mukti Bahini in 1971, it may have to do something similar with the BLA, albeit in a different shape. Again, Indian Special Forces and Marcos can be a great asset here, though the Indian establishment can brainstorm other options. Cooperation with Iran in this respect must not be ruled out, but must be negotiated. USA and Britain must be more closely consulted. For instance, Iran could press troops on the Baluchistan border, or US troops could come down into Quetta in Baluchistan from Kandahar, even if these are distant dreams, because the USA is simply scared to send troops into Pakistan for various military, economic, and political reasons. Nevertheless, without external military intervention it is difficult to see how Pakistan will relinquish control over a huge, mineral-rich province.
Eventually, the paltry Indian assistance to the Baluch Liberation Army must increase by gargantuan amounts for the liberation action to succeed.
The execution of the proxy war will also require allocation of a special status by the Indian cabinet and a large budget to go with it. Hence, requisites 1, 2, and 4 can be ramped up and the will of resistance that is in requisite 3 can be gradually broken by the measures mentioned. This is how the proxy war can succeed; else its success is only in the imagination of dreamers, because even a weak and fatigued Pakistan will not relinquish its hold on Baluchistan.
Conclusion
Four requisites for the success of a proxy war were outlined, and examples given from world situations. In conclusion, it sounds unlikely that a proxy war as currently being waged by India or the Western powers in Baluchistan can severe Baluchistan from Pakistan, even though they need it for their strategic interests. The four requisites to make this happen in Baluchistan simply don't seem to exist, and Pakistan's will to retain Baluchistan is strong. However, the deficiency in requisites can be overcome if India ties down Pakistani forces along the Indo-Pak border after opening its guns in fire along the entire 1,850 mile border. This must be supplemented by loaning Special Forces soldiers and officers to the Baluch National Army to damage and destroy Pakistani installations in Baluchistan. Eventually, the paltry Indian assistance to the Baluch Liberation Army must increase by gargantuan amounts for the liberation action to succeed. In the end, a freedom fight and proxy war in Baluchistan is morally justified for the human rights abuses and excesses by Islamabad in Baluchistan. It is undeniable that a successful proxy war in Baluchistan is in India's strategic interest. This proxy war can be fought as overtly as covertly because India has been at war with Pakistan for 65 years.
Reference:
- Akbar Bugti," Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akbar_Bugti
- Pater Tatchell, "Pakistan attacks Baluchistan, again," Human Rights, Democracy, Global Justice, LGTBI Freedom, http://www.petertatchell.net/international/baluchistan/pakistanattacksbaluchistan.htm
- "Balochistan Assessment 2013,"http://www.satp.org/ satporgtp/countries/pakistan/Balochistan/index.html
- Omer Farooq Khan,"Nawab Bugti's kin killed in high-security Karachi area," Times of India, Feb 9, 2012.
- "Why Did Manmohan Agree to include Balochistan in the Joint Statement at Sharmel Sheikh?", Alaiwah!, http://alaiwah.wordpress.com/2009/08/21/why-did-manmohan-agree-to-include-balochistan-in-the-joint-statement-at-sharmel-sheikh/
- Stuartbramhall, " The CIA's Strange Bedfellows in Pakistan,"The Most Revolutionary Act,, http://stuartbramhall.aegauthorblogs.com/tag/baloch-liberation-army/
- "Free Syrian Army," Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Free_Syrian_Army
- Stuartbramhall, op. cit.
- Ibid.
- "Balochistan Conflict," Wikipedia, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balochistan_conflict#Fifth_conflict_2004_.E2.80.93_to_date
- Ibid.
- Asim Aswan, Musharraf's Balochistan operation was a "mistake", The Express Tribune, May 16, 2010,http://tribune.com.pk/story/13657/musharrafs-balochistan-operation-was-a-mistake/
About the Author
How the Afghan War is being financed-The Grand Party going on in Afghanistan
How the Afghan War is being financed-The Grand Party going on in Afghanistan
They need to make a American African Connection series!
"C'est très compliqué monsieur Degorges!"
They need to make a American African Connection series!
WHY THE USA FAILED IN IRAQ, AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN
USA, ISI, AL QAEDA and TALIBAN Anatomy of Grand US Strategic Failure
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Fwd: Putin Unimpressed by Top Saudi Spook Bandar’s Monkey Tricks
By K Gajendra Singh www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/ED03Ak01.html.
Veni, vidi, vici ("I came, I saw, I conquered") spoke Julius Caesar in 78 BC at a town called Zile, 300 kilometers northeast of Ankara, after victory in a battle lasting barely four hours over Pharnaces II, son of Mithradates VI of Pontus. Mithradates the Great (meaning "gift of the Aryan god Mithra"), a common name among Anatolian rulers, had contested Imperial Rome's hegemony in Asia Minor.
Up to the Ides of March, 2003, the US and Turkey had been very close allies for half a century, with the government of the ruling Justice and Development party (AKP) even putting up for a vote (in spite of a large majority of Turks opposing a war on Iraq) a proposal to allow the US use of Turkish bases for stationing troops and opening a second front from northern Iraq.
But things have gone awry, with the Turks declaring that they would send more troops into northern Iraq when they deem it necessary, and the US making threatening noises against any such action. Verily, the erstwhile allies are at daggers drawn.
For Turkey, questions of security and vital strategic concerns are involved. In such a situation, Turkey is known to follow its national interest as it did in 1974, when it invaded the island of Cyprus to guard its interests. Turkish troops still remain there.
Echoes of Mithradates
A US victory over Saddam Hussein does not appear to be as quick in coming as Western leaders and the US media had made it out to be. Certainly it is going to be quite messy. The coalition of the willing has already lost more soldiers in combat than in the 1991 Gulf War. But let us get back to Mithradates. In a long career of conquest he had saved Crimea (Ukraine) from the Scythians and the Greeks from Rome. He was defeated many times by the Roman generals, but his greatest victories over Rome and its client states in Anatolia came in 88 BC, when he had conquered most of the Roman province of Asia.
Most of the Greek cities in Western Asia Minor had allied themselves with Mithradates, although a few held out against him. Then he organized a general massacre of the Roman and Italian residents in Asia in which nearly 80,000 were said to have been killed. When the course of the war turned against him, he became severe against the Greeks; every kind of intimidation was used - deportations, murders, freeing of slaves. In 85 BC, when the war was clearly lost, he made peace with the Roman general Sulla in the Treaty of Dardanus, giving up his conquests, surrendering his fleet and paying a large fine. Then in the second Mithradatic war, the Roman general Lucius Murena attacked Mithradates without provocation but was defeated in 82 BC. After many ups and downs, Pompey completely defeated both Mithradates and his son-in-law Tigranes, the ruler of Armenia. Mithradates escaped to Crimea When he wanted to attack Rome via the Danube, there was a general revolt against him, including by his son. A powerful man, Mithradates would not die by poisoning himself, so he had to order a slave to kill him.
Yes, the victory of US war machine against Iraqis may be like that of Caesar, but with one crucial difference: the damage was not that widespread then. It did not turn the world upside down, as the US attack on Iraq is likely to do.
Lessons from the Trojan War
Writing in the International Herald Tribune just before the US-led war, Nicholas D Kristof recalled the Trojan War perhaps the very first world war between Europe and Asia, marked not just by heroism but also by catastrophic mistakes, poor leadership and what the Greeks called ate: the intoxicating pride and overweening arrogance that sometimes clouds the minds of the strong.
Troy, Kristof said, offered three lessons: First, even when one has a legitimate grievance, war is not always the best solution. The Greeks were initially divided on attacking Troy. Even heroes like Agamemnon and Odysseus were reluctant. Yet the hawks won the day, in part by offering an early version of the Bush doctrine: if we let the Trojans get away with kidnapping Helen, then they'll steal women again; if we don't fight them now, we'll have to later, when they're stronger.
It turns out the doves were right. So many lives were lost "in this insane voyage", as Achilles put it, "fighting other soldiers to win their wives as prizes", that even for the victorious Greeks the struggle was simply not worth it. "Why must we battle Trojans?" Achilles asks, in what could have been an early advocacy of the alternate strategy of containment.
A second immortal truth of war is the crucial importance of maintaining allies. The Greeks outnumbered the Trojans by more than 10 to 1, but they were almost defeated because of feuding within the Greek "coalition of the willing". Agamemnon was the Donald Rumsfeld of his day, needlessly angering his key allies - and outraging Achilles by swiping his concubine Briseis. Agamemnon later tried to mollify Achilles, but the latter still withdrew from battle, threatened to go home and said things like "ca ne marche pas" (that won't work).
The third lesson has to do with the fall of Troy itself. Some experts have offered a hawkish lesson - the vulnerability of even the most refined city to military weakness. After all, an armed attack destroyed Troy in an instant: yet the story makes it clear that Troy's fundamental failing was not a military one. Better intelligence might have helped, but above all Troy was destroyed by its refusal to listen to warnings about the wooden horse.
So, by Zeus, that third lesson from Troy is the paramount need to listen to skeptical voices. Virgil suggests that the Trojans rashly brought the wooden horse inside their city despite the alarm of two early pundits - Cassandra and Laocoon, who warned against Greeks bearing gifts. If the Trojans had just thought it over for a week, by the Greeks inside would have died of thirst. But the Trojans dismissed the warnings as "windy nonsense" and sealed their fate.
"We Americans are the Greeks of our day, and as we now go to war, we should appreciate not only the beauty of the tale, but also the warnings within it," concludes Kristof.
Iliad and Odyssey
The Iliad was probably finalized around 750 BC, and the Odyssey around 650 BC (Greek writing started around 650 BC). It is felt that the Odyssey, so different from the Iliad, was not composed by Homer, the blind bard of Asia Minor, but probably by a young lady (a Jane Austen) somewhere on the Sicilian coast with time to spare. But let that pass. But there certainly is an historical basis for the story of the abduction of the Spartan King Menelaus' wife Helen by the Trojan Prince Paris. Menelaus' brother, King Agamemnon of Achaeans, then decided on a voyage of punishment and retrieval.
For Western culture and civilization, the Iliad and Odyssey are almost like the Mahabharata and Ramayana are for Indians, making their (presumed) composer Homer one of the most influential authors in the widest sense. The two epics provided the basis for Greek education and culture throughout the classical age and formed the backbone of humane education down to the time of the Roman Empire and the spread of Christianity. The Homeric epics had a profound impact on the Renaissance culture of Italy. Since then the proliferation of translations has helped to make them the most important poems of the classical European tradition.
Troy 6, the site of Homer's Iliad, has been dated to about 1260 BC. At the time of the Trojan War, there was the majestic and magnificent Asian Hittite Empire (1800 BC to 1200 BC) in central Turkey, the citadel of whose capital, Bogazkoy, has a circumference of five kilometers. The Troy fortress measures 200 yards by 150 yards. Excavations show that Troy perhaps fell as a result of weakening by an earthquake .It was assaulted and set on fire, women and children taken as slaves. The Hittite empire meanwhile extended from north of Turkey to Syria and up to Babylon (Iraq). Hittites were contenders for the control of Syria with the Egyptian Pharaohs and the local Aryan kingdom of Mitannis in the southeast of Turkey.
Evidence from Hittite archives indicates that Troy was a small state in alliance or subordinate to the empire. It was attacked when the Hittite empire was in decline and fighting its new enemy, the Assyrians (from Iraq) in the East. So this 10-year great Trojan war drama was but a storm in a teacup compared to the great sweep of Hittite history.
Mesopotamia, mother of civilization
Western and European civilization are founded on Greek civilization, which itself comes from Cretian civilization, which in turn is based on Egyptian and Phoenician civilizations. Both are indebted to Mesopotamia, verily the mother of all civilizations, which evolved mostly between the Tigris and Euphrates in Iraq and southeast Turkey. The evolution in human progress took off six millennia ago.
But the fourth millennia BC was remarkable not only here but in the NileValley and the IndusValley. From family units the polity developed into villages and cities, kingdoms and empires. The cities were ruled by the God and in his name by the king. To begin with, the first deity was Earth, the mother goddess. Civilizations in Mesopotamia were created by Sumerians, Babylonians, Akkadians, Assyrians and others. Nile adopted cylindrical seals from Mesopotamia and the beginnings of writing. The Nile civilizations are magnificent, well preserved but unidirectional, as they flourished mostly in isolation.
This brief background is necessary as Westerners talk of the superiority of their culture over the East, including even some prime ministers, eg Silvio Berlusconi.
Wars in southeastern Turkey and Iraq
Barely 80 kilometers east from Adana lies Issus, just north of the Turkish port of Iskendrun (where US armored units had been awaiting permission from the Turks to be taken into the country).This is where the the emperor Darius fled when attacked by Alexander of Macedonia, even leaving behind his family. The final defeat was inflicted at Gaugamela between Nineveh and Mosul (in Iraq). Nearby Kirkuk is now the bone of contention among Arabs, Kurds, Turkomens and Turks. Diyarbakir, which the US had wanted as a base for its troops, is ancient Amida, now the largest Kurdish city. Nearly 250 kilometers northeast lies Manzikert, near Lake Van, where the Byzantine emperor Romanus IV Diogenes was defeated and captured in 1071 by the Seljuk Turk Sultan Alparslan.
Romanus had come with 150,000 soldiers to teach Alparslan (with 14,000 horsemen) a lesson. Divisions in the Roman ranks led to their defeat. Romanus's Turkomen troops had gone over to Alparslan, and one of his generals, Andronicus Ducas, fled with his men. Even the Seljuk chief Alparslan was saved only by the loyalty of his Turkish mamelukes (slaves). This opened Anatolia for Turkish conquest, first by the Seljuks and then by the Ottomans, whose janissaries knocked at the gates of Vienna twice in the 16th century, a memory which even now sends shivers down European spines.
Around 200 kilometers south of Malatya (another base the US had wanted) lies another Kurdish city, Haraan, near the border with Syria. Here the Parthians had defeated the Roman emperor Crassus Marcus Licinius in 53 BC, capturing the legion standards and taking the loot to Ctesiphon (near Baghdad), then the winter capital of the Parthians and later of Sasanians. Crassus, who was governor of Syria, had attacked the Parthians with a large force to gain military glory and be at par with the other triumvirs, Julius Caesar and Pompey. After he lost the war at Carrhae near Harran, he was killed.
If one zigzags a few hundred kilometers south from Diyarbakir along the Tigris (Dicle in Turkish), one will pass the city of Batman, then Hassan Kief, the Kurdish Ayubid stronghold now submerged under a dam, and then Cizre, the hot border post between Turkey and Kurdish Iraq. (Many believe that it was on the nearby Judi mountains that Noah's ark rested, and not on Mount Ararat as is generally believed). Another 50 kilometers south along the Tigris into Iraqi Kurdish territory, one will reach Gaugamela, the battlefield of final victory by Alexander over Darius and the termination of the Achaemenean empire, then at its peak.
When you drive south from Diyarbakir, after 100 kilometers you will reach Mardin, an old Arab city. Perched at 1100 meters above sea level, it gives a panoramic view for hundreds of kilometers of flat upper Mesopotamian plains below toward Baghdad, Basra and the Gulf. A 20-kilometer descent south takes you to a modern West-East highway coming from Turkish ports of Iskendrun and Mersin along the border with Syria. Before the 1990 sanctions against Iraq, hundreds of trucks used to ferry goods from Turkey and Europe to Iraq. To reach the northern Iraqi Kurdish highlands, you have to drive 150 kilometers east to Turkey's frontier towns of Cizre and Silopi.
The Kurdish areas of Turkey and Iraq are difficult mountainous terrain. They constitute upper Mesopotamia, the center of many civilizations and also of many historic battles and wars. Unable to produce enough to establish or sustain a large kingdom or empire, the divided Kurdish highlands have always remained a place of dispute between empires based in Iran, Iraq and Turkey, and even as far as Russia.
Numerous battles have decided the fates of empires and kingdoms in the region. This area will soon see new battles between Arabs, Kurds,Turkomens and Turks -- and perhaps even Iranians.
Current war on Iraq
There has been wide public opposition to the British prime minister supporting President Bush in his war for Iraqi regime change. Speaking in the House of Commons against the war on Iraq without a UN resolution, former British Defense Minister Peter Kilfoyle warned, "We are having a 19th century gunboat war in the Gulf, when the real dangers of terrorism should be isolated and dealt with as the first priority. [I] believe that this act would be illegal, it would be immoral and it would be illogical." Of Blair's propensity for comparing opposition to war to Munich appeasement, Kilfoyle said that "in 1938 I do not recall the League of Nations having inspectors in Germany dismantling the Panzers, as we have inspectors dismantling the weapons in Iraq today. He (Blair) made much about the terrorist dangers and quite rightly so. But does that not point out the idiocy of fighting the wrong war, in the wrong place, at the wrong time, against the wrong enemy."
Referring to the name of the allied operation - Shock and Awe - Kilfoyle said: "Think of what that name implies. The US is aiming to put 10 times as many missiles and precision bombs in the first 48 hours as was committed in the whole of the last Gulf War. This is against a country that has been decimated. I would say earnestly and honestly to the government that its impatience will reap a whirlwind, a whirlwind which will affect us and our generations to come."
Charles Kennedy, the Liberal Democrat leader, accused the government of acting inconsistently over Iraq and criticized the Conservative party for its support for Tony Blair. "When we come to consistency, can we remind ourselves where the Conservative party is concerned? Take the issue of weapons of mass destruction. After Saddam Hussein used them in 1988, they [the Conservative government] continued to sell arms to Iraq. They provided them with anthrax and other chemical weapons and they approved the construction of dual-use factories in Iraq." His conclusion: Compared to Iraq's US$1.5 billion defence budget, the US's, at nearly $450 billion, is 300 times as large. Iraq has been starved of food and medicines for 12 years, it got only $20 billion of $60 billion promised from the oil-for-food program (where is the rest?!). The world is certainly awed by the fact that the US spends as much to defend itself as the rest of the world put together, helped by the printing and export of greenbacks. Its deficit is as much as its defense spending. In spite of all that expenditure, current and former US administrations were not able to anticipate or avoid September 11, 2001.
Unable to get hold of Osama bin Laden and others dead or alive, the US is behaving like a castrated and raging bull. It is a successful example of self-hypnosis by the US media machine - with much help from the political leadership, beginning with Bush. It has even convinced the American public that many, if not most, of the perpetrators of the September 11 attacks were Iraqis, when most of them were from Saudi Arabia and others from Egypt. None was in fact from Iraq. No linkage between Iraq and al-Qaeda has been proved, in spite of the forging of documents by the US and the UK.
Without any casus belli, the US and its allies have now attacked Iraq with all their weapons of terrible destruction. Listening to some US defense experts, one can sense their glee in how the new war weapons and machines being used for the first time have such improved performance. As in the bombing of Serbia, new and better arms are being tested and used.
Look at the way the US treats prisoners of war from Afghanistan in GuantamanoBay. Its media was first to show Iraqi prisoners of wars, but when US POWs were shown on Iraqi TV or the Arab satellite news channel al-Jazeera, US leaders started talking about the Geneva Convention and human rights. The US has not even joined the International Criminal Court.
This war on Iraq without support from the United Nations Security Council is illegal. In the words of UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, the war is against the UN charter. Yes, the US and the UK do want the United Nations involved in the reconstruction of Iraq, as if the body is a mere non-governmental organization (NGO), one of many. His Holiness Pope John Paul and most religious leaders around the world are opposed to this unjust war. This writer had a ringside view of the 1991 Gulf War in Amman. A clear case of Iraqi aggression against the independent state of Kuwait had been established.
It was opposed by all Arab and Muslim countries. Their governments were able to contain the anger and frustrations of the masses. Since then, they and the world have watched the butchery being enacted daily by the state of Israel. There are daily demonstrations in Arab cities, as well as cities around the world, against the war and the killing of civilians in Basra, Baghdad and elsewhere. With Ariel Sharon in power, a mention of the road map for a solution of the Israeli-Palestinian problem made by George Bush before the war - apparently more as an afterthought than anything else - has not fooled anyone. There could soon be total chaos verging on civil war in northern Iraq, with such little US presence in that turbulent area and no agreement with Turkey.
It was rumored in Amman during the 1991 Gulf War that Saddam Hussein had been warned that Baghdad would be nuked if he used his weapons of mass destruction. This time he, his family and supporters have only one choice - to fight to the finish. He will use whatever means are left in his hands. Iraq is now very much weaker than it was in 1991, but Saddam Hussein and his reliable Republican Guards, fedayeen and other forces will defend Baghdad and other cities and towns to the last. It is strange that the cold warriors in Washington have forgotten that Iraq's Republican Guard troops are battle tested, many with experience of hand-to-hand land battles against fanatic Iranian revolutionaries. It is bringing death and devastation onto the poor hapless long-suffering Iraqi population, and the consequences will be unpredictable. It will fully ignite the Crusade vs Jihad conflict.
Let there be no doubt about it. This war only exposes the bankruptcy of Anglo-Saxon policy, when 19th century methods of "bomb the natives, frighten and numb them by force", are being used to handle complicated 21st century problems of Islamic fundamentalism. In the words of Mary Robinson, the UN Commissioner for Human Rights, Bush is leading the world into unchartered waters, and bin Laden must be chuckling, wherever he might be.
What is being achieved is beyond bin Laden's wildest dreams.
(©2003 Asia Times Online Co, Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)
By Pepe Escobar Asia Times , 13 August , 2013
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/MID-02-130813.html
Talk about The Comeback Spy. Prince Bandar bin Sultan, aka Bandar Bush (for Dubya he was like family), spectacularly resurfaced after one year in speculation-drenched limbo (was he or was he not dead, following an assassination attempt in July 2012). And he was back in the limelight no less than in a face-to-face with Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Saudi King Abdullah, to quote Bob Dylan, "is not busy being born, he's busy dying". At least he was able to pick up a pen and recently appoint Bandar as head of the Saudi General Intelligence Directorate; thus in charge of the joint US-Saudi master plan for Syria.
The four-hour meeting between Bandar Bush and Vlad the Hammer by now has acquired mythic status. Essentially, according to diplomatic leaks, Bandar asked Vlad to drop Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and forget about blocking a possible UN Security Council resolution on a no-fly zone (as if Moscow would ever allow a replay of UN resolution 1973 against Libya). In return the House of Saud would buy loads of Russian weapons.
Vlad, predictably, was not impressed. Not even when Bandar brazenly insisted that whatever form a post-Assad situation would take, the Saudis will be "completely" in control. Vlad - and Russian intelligence - already knew it. But then Bandar went over the top, promising that Saudi Arabia would not allow any Gulf Cooperation Council member country - as in Qatar - to invest in Pipelineistan across Syria to sell natural gas to Europe and thus damage Russian - as in Gazprom's - interests.
When Bandar saw he was going nowhere, he reverted to his fallback position; the only way out in Syria is war - and Moscow should forget about the perennially postponed Geneva II peace conference because the "rebels" will be a no show.
Once again, Vlad did not need a reminder that the Saudis - in "cooperation" with Washington - have now taken over the "rebel" galaxy. Qatar has been confined to a (expensive) dustbin, as Vijay Prashad alludes to here. This is part of Washington's plan - if there is one - to isolate the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood and its shady jihadi ramifications/connections.
Wily Bandar, for his part, is not a fool to believe his own propaganda; he knows Moscow has more complex geostrategic interests other than just keeping Syria as a weapons client. And he might have suspected that Moscow simply does not bother with Gulf competition in Pipelineistan targeting European markets.
It's instructive to remember that in 2009, Damascus did not sign an agreement with Qatar for a pipeline via Syria; but they did sign the memorandum of understanding last year for the US$10 billion Iran-Iraq-Syria pipeline. So the point is for Damascus, the deal with Iran was much better; and if the pipeline is ever built Gazprom may even be part of it, in infrastructure and distribution. What Moscow has concluded is that Gazprom won't lose its energy grip over Europe to the benefit of Qatari natural gas. A case can be made that Gazprom holds more power over the distressed, decaying, virtually insolvent eurozone than the European Central Bank (ECB).
What Vlad does fear is a potential post-Assad utter chaos, to be fully exploited by Salafi-jihadis. It's never enough to remember that from Aleppo to Grozny it's roughly 900 kilometers. The next stop for the Global Jihad in Syria would be the Caucasus. And that's where Bandar Bush and Vlad the Hammer might converge; their mutual strategic interest is to reign in jihadis - although Bandar, in fact, is also weaponizing them.
The new Afghanistan
Moscow won't drop Damascus. Period. At the same time, as Bandar threatened, Geneva II seems more unlikely to happen than the Obama administration ceasing to drone Yemen to death.
As Asia Times Online has extensively reported, the name of the game, in practice, remains Syria as the new Afghanistan, with the House of Saud in control of all aspects of jihad (with Washington "leading from behind"). Deadly historic irony also applies; instead of clashing with the Soviet Union, now the Saudis clash with the Russian federation. Bandar is simultaneously the new Weaponizer-in-Chief, as well as Liberator-in-Chief of Syria. The Comeback Spy is not accounting for future, inevitable, ghastly blowback; what's alarming is that the Obama administration is right behind him.
Bandar Bush's visit to Moscow simply could not have happened without a green light from Washington. So what's the (muddled) master plan? The Obama administration seems to believe in a remixed Sykes-Picot - almost a century after the original. The problem is they are clueless on how to configure the new zones of influence. Meanwhile, they're letting the Saudis do the heavy lifting. The first step was to eliminate Qatar from the picture. It's astonishing how fast the emirate, up to two months ago a prospective mini-superpower, now has been reduced to less than an afterthought.
Yet Bandar by now may have seen the writing on the (bloody) wall; Bashar al-Assad will be in power until the 2014 elections in Syria, and may even win those elections. The Saudis might accept a form of compensation in Lebanon, with their protege, the cosmically incompetent Saad al-Hariri, back in power in a coalition government including the political branch of Hezbollah - not the other one which the European poodles branded "terrorist". This also seems unlikely.
So what is Bandar the Liberator to do? Well, he can always direct his private jet to Dallas and liberate his sorrows in a sea of single malt, provided by the House of Dubya.
Pepe Escobar is the author of Globalistan: How the Globalized World is Dissolving into Liquid War (Nimble Books, 2007) and Red Zone Blues: a snapshot of Baghdad during the surge. He has also written Obama does Globalistan (Nimble Books, 2009).
He may be reached at pepeasia@yahoo.com.
USA, ISI, AL QAEDA and TALIBAN Anatomy of Grand US Strategic Failure
USA, ISI, AL QAEDA and TALIBAN Anatomy of Grand US Strategic FailurePaperback – November 14, 2012
by Agha Humayun Amin (Author)
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Product Details · Paperback: 54 pages · Publisher: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform (November 14, 2012) · Language: English · ISBN-10: 1481007645 · ISBN-13: 978-1481007641 · Product Dimensions: 9 x 6 x 0.1 inches · Shipping Weight: 4.6 ounces (View shipping rates and policies) |
The Indian Independent Army that the Wehrmacht Created
Grandfather seated in centre with the British Additional Secretray Milroy Hayes on eve of retirement,Rawalpindi,1954, the same city where his grandfathers grandfathers regiment was disbanded in 857 on suspicion of intent to rebel 5th and 8th Light Cavalry both disbanded in 1857 had provided the nucleus to raise Guides Cavalry and PAVO Cavalry in the period 1845-49. |
Captain Shahnawaz Khan of Nara Mator who joined the INA and stayed on in India to become a minister and member of parliament.His nephew is Pakistani DG ISI
Each Indian officer had his own reasons. Captain Ansari an uncle of Mrs General Aslam Beg refused to join the Japanese and was beheaded.He was awarded the George Cross.
Tombstone of Captain Ansari at Stanley Cemetry
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mateen_Ansari
He had tried escaping three times earlier and was warned by the German Commandant that Lieutenant if you try again you will be shot dead.
When he reached British Indian lines he was wearing only one boot and owed much to friendly Italian villagers who hid him and gave him food.
Around the same time my fathers close friend Brigadier Jan Nadir Khan whose father was also fighting in Italy had married Brigadier Jan Nadir Khans Italian mother . Jan Nadir Khans brother became a famous heart specialist in the USA.
My aunts husbands uncles around the same era were in Germany having married German ladies after exiles in USSR and Sweden.They shared residence with a Muslim from Lahore who married a German lady but later abandoned her fathering a daughter who became a famous German author.This was Mr Rafi Peer an outstanding dramatist from Lahore , father of the eminent Pirzada brothers.
The Forgotten Army: India's Armed Struggle for Independence, 1942-1945Paperback
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- John F. Riddick, Central Michigan Univ. Lib., Mt. Pleasant
Copyright 1993 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
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Peter Ward Fay totally met my expectations and was great!
When WWII broke out India was still a British possession, and just as in WWI India contributed troops to the British Empire's war effort. In the European/African theater Indian divisions served in Egypt, Cyranica, Tripoli, France and in Great Britain itself. In Asia Indians were sent to help defend Malaysia, Burma and Singapore. And it was Singapore, which saw the surrender of over 50,000 Indian soldiers following the lightning-fast Japanese campaign which saw the stunning defeat of the British.
And this is where the Indian National Army comes in. The INA came about because of the efforts of Subhas Chandra Bose (also known as Netaji) and the Free India Association. The Free India Association, made up of overseas Indians not enamored by British rule of their homeland, assumed the role of a government-in exile and the INA its army working alongside the Japanese to liberate India via Burma. Netaji was the supreme leader for both. He had experience being "supreme leader" having spent the first years of the war in Nazi Germany chumming himself up to Hitler and Mussolini and helping to raise an "Indian Legion" for duty in the Wehrmacht. He appeared in Singapore following a trip from Europe in a U-boat, a transfer to an Imperial Japanese Navy I-boat in the Indian Ocean.
So were the INA members, mostly recruited from the POWs captured at Singapore, traitors to the Crown? They were, after all, members of the Indian Army. Or were they patriots? The British officers of the IA regiments seemed to be in an awful hurry to relinquish their responsibilities to their soldiers.
This is a fascinating work and obviously a lot of work went into this book. I found it a very good read and would recommend it for anyone interested in India and WWII.
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History | Agitation for the end of British rule in India had existed for decades prior to the outbreak of the Second World War. Therefore it was logical for the Axis powers during WWII to attempt to capitalize on anti-British sentiments by attempting to recruit a military force from disaffected Indian prisoners-of war captured while serving with the British Commonwealth forces in the North African campaign. Italy was not the first in this field, but their efforts were comparatively short-lived and therefore will be considered first. On 10th May 1942 the Italian Army established a Ragruppamento Centri Militari, a special unit composed of foreign military personnel, ex-prisoners-of-war, foreign nationals living in Italy and Italians who had been resident abroad, with the intention of using them for intelligence gathering and sabotage operations behind enemy lines.[1] According to the order of Battle of the Italian Ragruppamento Centri Militari, May 1942[2], the unit had the following under its control: a Comando (Headquarters) with CO Tenente Colonello di Stato (Staff Lieutenant Colonel) Massimo Invrea, Centro T consisting of Italians from Tunisia, Centro A consisting of Italians from Egypt, Palastine, Syria and Arabia; plus Arabs and Sudanese ex-prisoners-of-war and lastly, Centro I consisting of Italians from India and Persia (Iran) and Indian ex-prisoners-of-war. In all, the Ragruppamento Centri Militari collected together approximately 1,200 Italians, 400 Indians and 200 Arabs. In August 1942 the Ragruppamento was renamed as Ragruppamento Frecce Rosse (Red Arrows Group) a name chosen by the commanding officer in memory of his service with the Italian Divisione Frecce Nere (Black Arrows Division) of the Italian Corpo Truppo Volontarie in the Spanish Civil War. The three Centri Militari received new designations at the same time.[3] According to the order of battle of the Italian Ragruppamento Frecce Rosse in August 1942[4], the following units were unders in command: A Comando (Headquarters), Battaglione d'Assalto Tunisia (Tunisia Assault Battalion) which was Ex-Centro T, Gruppo Italo-Arabo (Italo-Arab Group) from ex-Centro A, and Battaglione Azad Hindoustan (Free Indian Battalion) from Ex-Centro I. The Battaglione Azad Hindoustan was created out of Centro I using both the ex- Indian Army personnel (The Indian Army was under British operational command) and Italians previously resident in India and Persia (Iran). The units of the Ragruppamento Frecce Rosse were intended to be delivered behind enemy lines by various means including infiltration on the ground, via submarine and by parachute; this last means of transport leading to the establishment of a Platone Paracadutisti (Parachute Platoon) within the Battaglione Azad Hindoustan, its members receiving their parachute training at the Parachute School at Tarquinia.[5] The soldiers of the Battaglione Azad Hindoustan were attired in standard Italian military uniform with the addition of a turban. Their Italian sahariana tunics were worn with collar patches with three vertical stripes in the saffron (orange), white and green colors of the Indian National Congress (the main focus of Indian opposition to British rule) the saffron stripe being closest to the wearers neck. Italians serving in the Battaglione Azad Hindoustan were distinguished by stars on their collar patches while Indian troops had none. Those members of the battalion sent to Tarquinia for parachute training wore their own collar patches above paratroop pattern patches (again with and without stars for Italians and Indians respectively), as well as the paratroop badge depicting an open yellow parachute embroidered in rayon thread on the left upper arm.[6] The order of battle of the Battaglione Azad Hindoustan in August 1942[7] was as follows: Compagnie Fucilieri (a motorized rifle company consisting of Indians), Compagnie Mitraglieri (a motorized machinegun company consisting of Indians), Platone Paracadutisti (a parachute platoon consisting of Indians), and an Overseas Italian Platoon However, despite their investment in the Indian's training the Italians considered the Indian troops of Battaglione Azad Hindoustan to be of doubtful loyalty and this view was confirmed when the Indians mutinied on learning of the Axis defeat at El Alamein in November 1942. Following this the battalion was disbanded and the Indians returned to their prisoner-of-war camps.[8] Thus ended the disappointing Italian efforts to recruit Indians for service in the Axis armed forces. But their German partners, who began to recruit Indians earlier, were not put off by the negative Italian experience as they possessed a trump card not available to their Mediterranean allies. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was a lawyer from Calcutta and an ex-president of the Indian National Congress who was a major rival to Mahatma Gandhi for the popular leadership of the movement to end British rule in India. Unlike Gandhi, however, Bose was a not averse to the use of violence in the achievement of Indian independence. Using the old adage that "my enemy's enemy is my friend", Bose saw war between Britain and Germany as an opportunity to advance the cause of India's independence from the British Empire. Thus on 17th January 1941, Bose escaped from under British surveillance at his house in Calcutta and with the assistance of the Abwehr (Wehrmacht Military Intelligence) he made his way to Peshawar on India's North West frontier with Afghanistan. Their, supporters of the Aga Khan helped him across the border into Afghanistan where he was met by an Abwehr unit posing as a party of road construction engineers from the Organization Todt who then aided his passage across Afghanistan via Kabul to the border with Soviet Russia. Once in Russia the NKVD transported Bose to Moscow where he hoped that Russia's traditional enmity to British rule in India would result in support for his plans for a popular rising in India. However, Bose found the Soviets' response disappointing and was rapidly passed over to the German Ambassador in Moscow, Count von der Schulenberg. He had Bose flown on to Berlin in a special courier aircraft at the beginning of April where he was to receive a more favorable hearing from von Rippentrop and the Foreign Ministry officials at the Wilhelmstrasse.[9] Almost immediately Bose commenced broadcasting for the Germans from the Azad Hind transmitter at Nauen and later used the good favor he had established with Hitler to have himself named as leader of the Indian "Government-in-exile" or "Indian National Congress".[10] But Bose was intent on more direct opposition to the British than merely radio propaganda and was handed an opportunity almost immediately when in April 1941 most of the members of the British 3rd (Indian) Motorised Brigade were taken prisoner by Generalleutnant Rommel's Deutsche Afrika Korps at El Mekili in Cyreniaca (Libya). On 15th May a Luftwaffe Major was sent to interview English speaking members of the prisoners with a view to recruiting men for a proposed German Army (Heer) unit of Indian troops.[11] This initial approach led to 27 officers being flown to Berlin four days later, together with the establishment of a special camp for about 10,000 Indian POWs at Annaburg.[12] There, the Indian prisoners were visited by Bose and exposed to intensive propaganda with a view to their enlistment into the proposed unit, variously referred to as the Indian Legion, Azad Hind Legion or the more exotically sounding, Tiger Legion.[13] The first group of volunteers, recruited from ex-prisoners-of-war and Indian civilians resident in Germany left Berlin's Anhalter railway station on Christmas Day 1941 for a camp at Frankenburg near Chemnitz in order to receive future groups of released Indian POWs.[14] Despite the recruitment of only eight resolute volunteers at this stage, in January 1942 the German Propaganda Ministry felt able to announce the establishment of the, in the circumstances, rather grandly titled "Indian National Army" or "Jai Hind".[15] Subsequently 6,000 of the Indian prisoners who were considered most receptive to Bose's ideas were transferred to the camp at Frankenburg[16] where military training was initiated by German officers and NCO's.[17] Officially a cover story was maintained that the Indians were merely to be used as a labor unit and to lend credence to this, the camp was designated Arbeitskommando Frankenburg. Of the 6,000 men at Frankenburg, 300 volunteers were transferred yet again to Künigsbrück near Dresden in Saxony[18] where German Army uniforms were issued with the addition of a specially designed national arm badge in the shape of the shield (worn in German Army style on the right upper arm) with three horizontal stripes in the saffron, white and green Indian national colors (as used previously by the Italians for the collar patches of the Battaglione Azad Hindoustan) and featuring a leaping tiger superimposed over the white band of the tricolor and with the legend "Freies Indien" in black characters on an integral white background above the tricolor. A saffron, white and green transfer may also have been used on the left side of their German steel helmets Uniforms were of the usual army feldgrau (field gray) in winter and German or Italian tropical khaki in the summer.[19] Those Sikhs in the Legion were permitted to wear a turban (of a color appropriate to their uniform) as dictated by their religion instead of the usual peaked field cap (einheitsfeldmütze).[20] These men now constituted the Legion Freies Indien of the German Army and took their oath of allegiance in a ceremony on 26th August 1942. The ranks of the new Legion were swelled by hundreds of new members some of whose participation was far from voluntary until by mid-1943 it boasted approximately 2,000 members and was also referred to as Indisches Infanterie Regiment 950.[21]
The Legion Freies Indien / Indisches Infanterie Regiment 950 was organized as a standard German army infantry regiment of three battalions each of four companies.[23] Initially all the commissioned officers of I.R. 950 (ind) were German, but after a brief course some senior NCO's were commissioned in October 1943.[24] The unit was partially Motorised, being equipped with 81 motor vehicles and 700 horses[25] and was later referred to as Panzergrenadier Regiment 950 (indische) presumably to reflect its semi-Motorised status.[26] Unlike British practice in the Indian Army, the constituent units of the Legion were all of mixed religion and regional nationality so that Moslems, Hindus, Sikhs, Jats, Rajputs, Marathas and Garhwalis all served side-by- side.[27] Approximately two-thirds of the Legion's members were Moslem and one- third Hindu.[28] In late 1943 Indians of the Moslem faith were also considered for recruitment into the 13. SS-Freiwilligen-b.h. Gebirgs-Division (Kroatiien) (13th SS Volunteer Bosnian-Herzegovinian Mountain Division (Croatia) - later known as the "Handschar" Division) which was then in the process of formation from Bosnians of overwhelmingly Moslem origin. Himmler was very enthusiastic about the formation of a Moslem SS division, however Obergruppenführer Gottlob Berger Chef der SS Hauptamt (Head of the SS Head Office) pointed out to Himmler in November 1943 that the Indian Moslems "perceive themselves primarily as Indians, the Bosnians as Europeans" and the idea was dropped.[29] Officially the language of command was Hindi, but since many of the members of the Legion came from regions of India were Hindi was not widely spoken this was not always practical. In addition the German's almost total inability to provide personnel who could speak any of the languages of the Indian subcontinent bedeviled their relationship with the Indian troops throughout it's existence and resulted in the Germans using English for most of their communications with the Indians. English (together with some broken German learnt over the years) was also often used between Indians of different linguistic backgrounds within the Legion.[30] In this connection it is interesting to note that one of the interpreters employed by the Germans was Sonderführer Frank Chetwynd Becker, an Englishman born in England to an English mother and an British-naturalized but German-born father who was posted to the Indian Legion in July 1942.[31] Difficulty with communication and German insensitivity in dealing with people of whose culture and customs they were largely ignorant led to the Legion suffering from poor discipline throughout its existence, and indeed led to the shooting by his own men of one of the Indian Legion's most enthusiastic members, Unteroffizier Mohammed Ibrahim.[32] The Indian Legion was presented with a regimental color, most probably in the autumn of 1942 at the completion of the Legion's military training at Königsbrück during the oath taking ceremony. However, it may have been presented prior to the Legion's departure for the Netherlands in the spring of 1943 (see below). Certainly there is photographic evidence of its use in 1943. The flag was roughly rectangular in shape being slightly taller than it was long and with the same design on obverse and reverse. In a similar manner to the arm badges worn on the Legion's uniforms it featured a tricolor in the Indian national colors of saffron, white and green arranged in horizontal bands with the colors in the stated order from top to bottom but on the flag the white middle band was approximately three times the width of the two colored bands. The words "AZAD" and "HIND" were superimposed in white over the saffron and green bands respectively and a full color leaping tiger was superimposed diagonally over the white band. The ultimate fate of the legionary color is not known.[33] An "Azad Hind" (Free India) decoration was also instituted by Bose in 1942 in four grades each of which could be awarded with or without swords in the German fashion. Both Indian and German members of the Legion were eligible to receive the decoration. Almost half of the Indian Legion's members received one or more of these awards.[34]
The Abwehr had envisaged this new military force as accompanying an Axis campaign via the Caucasus through Iran into India to end British rule there. As early as the end of August 1941 they had formulated a scheme to fly the Indian Legion to India and using parachute landings start an anti-British revolt and this plan was shown to Bose. To this end some Indians appear to have been recruited by Rittmeister Habicht of the Abwehr and incorporated as a part of 4.Regiment, 800.Bau Lehrdivision zur besonderen Verwendung Brandenburg (Special Purpose Construction Training Division Brandenburg), which despite its innocuous sounding title constituted the special forces of the Wehrmacht. They were quartered at a training camp near Meseritz.[36] In January 1942 Operation "Bajadere" was launched and one hundred Indians were parachuted into eastern Persia in order to infiltrate into India through Baluchistan and commence sabotage operations against the British in preparation for the anticipated national revolt. Oberleutnant Witzel in Afghanistan reported to the Abwehr station in Kabul that the Indians had been effective and this information was passed on to Abwehr headquarters in Berlin.[37] Axis reverses at Stalingrad and El Alamein at the end of 1942 made an attack into India by the European Axis powers appear an increasingly unlikely scenario. however, in the Far East the Japanese Army in Burma stood at the gates of India. Through the their ambassador in Berlin, General Oshima, Bose was named as leader of a Japanese sponsored Indian Government-in-exile and on 9th February 1943 Bose, his adjutant Dr. Habib Hassan and two officers of the Indian Legion left Kiel on the long-range (Type IX D1) submarine U-180 under the command of Fregattenkapitän Musenberg[38] (which also contained blueprints of jet engines and various other German secret projects to help the Japanese war effort). They transferred in rough seas to the Japanese submarine I-29 at a rendezvous near Madagascar[39] and arrived at Sabang harbor on We Island off the northernmost tip of Japanese occupied Sumatra on 6th May 1943.[40] Subsequently Bose traveled via Singapore to Tokyo for talks with the Japanese Government. In the wake of these successful negotiations he returned to his Japanese provided residence in Singapore where his aides had assembled other like-minded Indians to form the "Provisional Government of Free India".[41] Ultimately Bose came to lead a much larger Japanese sponsored "Indian National Army" (eventually of three divisions) which fought alongside the Japanese against the British 14th Army in Burma and in the extreme north-east of India. Following Bose's departure for Singapore, discussions between the German Foreign Ministry and the Abwehr resulted in a plan to transfer the leadership of the Legion Fries Indien to the Far East. Department II of the Abwehr organized the operation in conjunction with the operations staff of the Division Brandenburg and the Oberkommando der Marine (German Naval High Command). The plan called for the use of four blockade runners to take the officer corps and best men of the Indian Legion to Singapore.[42] Given the war situation and Allied domination of the Atlantic and Indian oceans the proposed operation was extremely audacious and called for careful planning. One blockade runner was converted to resemble a iron ore carrier from neutral Sweden. Named the Brand III, it was crewed by Brandenburgers with a knowledge of Swedish and some Indians with experience as seamen. The majority of the Indians were, however, concealed in specially constructed space at the bottom of the hold which was covered over with Iron ore so that inspection from above would give the impression of a normal hold full of ore. the Brand III then proceeded from Germany to Malmö in Sweden where it refueled, in the knowledge that British agents there would report its departure to London. The "neutral" vessel was allowed to make passage through the English channel but was stopped in Gibraltar where its cargo manifest was examined but its cover story held good. A German agent in Capetown, South Africa had sent the order for the iron ore which was ostensibly for a real iron foundry in South Africa to Sweden so that verification checks by the British authorities showed everything to be in order. the Brand III carried on through the Suez Canal into the Indian ocean and survived another inspection, this time by U.S. warships in the Bay of Bengal. finally just west of the Sunda Strait the Brand III rendezvoused with a Japanese cruiser which escorted it to Singapore.[43] A second blockade runner was less lucky; It elected to take the long sea route around the Cape of Good Hope but was intercepted at dusk by British warships just west of the Cape. In the fading light the captain decided to make a run for it and while making smoke headed off at top speed into the gathering darkness. In order to avoid the inevitable search the blockade runner was forced to aim into the far southern latitudes and was not heard of again.[44] Back in Europe, the Legion Freies Indien was transferred to the Zeeland area of the Netherlands in April/May 1943, remaining there as part of the Atlantic Wall garrison until September of the same year.[45] Legionskommandeur Oberstleutnant Kurt Krappe arrived in the Netherlands on 13th April 1943 in order to prepare for the transfer of the Indian Legion from Königsbrück. I./I.R. 950 (ind.) arrived at Truppenübungsplatz (Military Training Ground) Beverloo in Belgium on 30th April and was followed by II./I.R. 950 (ind.) on 1st-3rd May, III./I.R. 950 (ind.) left Germany somewhat later and arrived at Truppenübungsplatz Oldebroek on the night of 13th-14th July. together with the regimental support companies Nos. 13, 14 & 15; but without its 12th Infantry Co. which was left behind in Germany as a replacement unit. On 5th May the 1st and 2nd Battalions were inspected at Beverloo by General der Infanterie Hans Reinhard, Kommandierender General LXXXVIII. Armeekorps und Befehlshaber der Truppen des Heeres in den Niederlanden (General Officer Commanding 88th Army Corps and Commander of the Army Troops in the Netherlands) who later observed to the Wehrmachtsbefehlshaber in den Niederlanden (Higher Military Commander in the Netherlands) that the Indian troops should not be stationed in the Netherlands beyond the end of October as he thought that the cold climate on the North Sea coast would be detrimental to their health. Indeed on 17th September 1943 Regiment-Stab (ind.) I.R. 950 left Haarlem and redeployed to St. André de Cubzac in south-west France.[46] The I./I.R. 950 (ind.) was assigned to the Zandvoort region with an advance party arriving on 6th May and the main body on 17th, 19th & 21st May. 2 companies were stationed on the seaward front, 2 companies on the landward front and one in Zandvoort as Unterabschnittreserve (subsector reserve) [presumably one of these companies was one of the regimental support companies]. Gen.d.Inf. Reinhard, Reichsminister Dr. Artur Seyss-Inquart (Reichskommissar in the Netherlands), envoy Otto Bene and Oberst Otto von Lachemair (CO 16. Luftwaffen Feld-Division) inspected I./I.R. 950 (ind.) on 15th June. On 24th August I./I.R. 950 (ind.) was ordered relieved by Georgian Infanterie Bataillon 822 and their last troop transport left on 31st August for their new base on the Atlantic coast of France south of Bordeaux on the Bay of Biscay.[47] Advance parties from II./I.R. 950 (ind.) arrived in Den Helder from Beverloo on 21st May and where ordered to the northern part of the Frisian Island of Texel (6. Komp. at De koog, 7. Komp. at De Cocksdorp and 8. Komp. at Slufter). Following movement orders on 9th September, II./I.R. 950 (ind.) was relieved by Nordkaukasien Infanterie Bataillon 803 on 16th September. On 17th September 1943 II./I.R. 950 (ind.) passed through Den Helder en route to Les Salles d'Ollonne in France.[48] III./I.R. 950 (ind.) remained at Tr.Üb.Platz Oldebroek as Corps Reserve. Its officers were visited by Gen.d.Inf. Reinhard and Generalfeldmarschall von Rundstedt on 14th July, with Gen.d.Inf. Reinhard and his Chief-of-Staff, Generalleutnant Erich Höcker (CO 719. I.D.) and Obstlt. Kurt Krappe returning on 19th July to inspect the troops themselves. III./I.R. 950 (ind.) left Tr.Üb.Platz Oldebroek for France on 9th September 1943.[49] The Legion Freies Indien was deployed in France on coastal defense duties in the area of Lacanau near Bordeaux where they were inspected by Generalfeldmarschall Rommel (who was, of course, responsible for their original capture!) in April 1944.[50] On 8th August 1944 the Free Indian Legion (now comprising about 2,300 men), like all the national legions of the German Army, was transferred to the control of the Waffen-SS now being known as the Indische Freiwilligen Legion der Waffen SS and receiving a new commanding officer: SS Oberführer Heinz Bertling.[51] Despite the change in authority from Army to Waffen SS, the Indian Legion continued to use Army ranks and uniforms. The notorious SS map of February 1945 does show an SS collar patch featuring a tiger's head for the Free Indian Legion but it is unlikely that it was even manufactured and almost certainly it was never actually worn.[52] The Legion remained at Lacenau until over two months after the Allied Invasion of Normandy. However, following the Allied breakout from the Normandy bridgehead and with the growing threat of Allied landings on the Mediterranean coast of France, the Indian Legion was at risk of being cut off and so on 15th August 1944 (the same day that the feared Allied landings actually took place on the French Riviera) the Legion left Lacanau to move back to Germany. The first part of their journey was by rail to Poitiers where they were attacked by French FFI (Forces Françaises de l'Interieur) "Maquis" forces and a number of men were wounded. The French Resistance continued to harass the Legion when at the end of August it moved again to Allier via Chatrou, this time moving by road. The town of Dun on the Berry Canal was reached by the beginning of September and here the Indian Legion was opposed by French regular forces. In the resulting street fighting the Indische Freiwilligen Legion der Waffen SS suffered its first death in combat: Leutnant Ali Khan, later to be interred with full military honors at Sancoin cemetery. The Legion continued its withdrawal through Luzy marching at night but took more casualties in ambushes including Unteroffizier Kalu Ram and Gefreiter Mela Ram. The Loire was crossed and the Indians headed for Dijon. A short engagement was fought against Allied armor at Nuits St. Georges.[53] After several days halt for rest the Indians continued on to Remisemont, then, marching via Colmar in Alsace, they arrived at Oberhofen near the garrison town of Hagenau in Germany. During Christmas 1944 the Legion was billeted in the private houses of German civilians then moved in bitterly cold weather to the vacant Truppenübungsplatz at Heuberg.[54] One company is said to have been transferred to Italy, if this is so, its fate is unknown.[55] The Germans always had a very low opinion of the fighting qualities of the Indian Legion (not that they had been given much opportunity to prove themselves in combat). Hitler is reputed to have commented: "The Indian Legion is a joke." and is said to have given a personal order that its arms be handed over to the 18.SS Freiwilligen Panzergrenadier Division "Horst Wessel".[56] The Indische Freiwilligen Legion der Waffen SS remained at Tr.Üb.Platz Heuberg until the end of March 1945, then, with the defeat of the Third Reich imminent the Indians sought sanctuary in neutral Switzerland and undertook a desperate march along the shores of the Bodensee (Lake Constance) in an attempt to enter Switzerland via one of the alpine passes. However, this was unsuccessful and eventually the Legion was captured by United States and French forces. Before their delivery into the custody of British and Indian forces it is alleged that a number of Indian soldiers were shot by French troops.[57] Ultimately the members of the Free Indian Legion were transported back to India by sea. There, a number of senior personnel were imprisoned in the Red Fort in Delhi.[58] In view of the pressures used to recruit Indian prisoners-of war during their captivity (and political expediency in an India in turmoil as independence approached) the members of the Free Indian Legion were dealt with leniently. But by then, the political leader of the Legion was already dead. Subhas Chandra Bose died from severe burns sustained when the Japanese Mitsubishi Ki-21 Army Type 97 "Sally" bomber he was flying in crashed on take- off from Taipei in Formosa (Taiwan) on 18th August 1945 while attempting to make his way to Manchuria in the wake of the Japanese surrender.[59] However, rumors that he was still alive and working for the Chinese communists persisted for several years.[60] The German Brandenburgers and agents of Abwehr II who had remained with the "Indian National Army" in the Far East were rumored to have joined the French Foreign Legion in Saigon, French Indo-China.[61] References and Notes: 1. Lundari, I Paracadutisti Italiani 1937/45, p. 90. 2. ibid. p. 90. 3. ibid. p. 90. 4. ibid. p. 90. 5. ibid. p. 90. 6. ibid. p. 99. 7. ibid. p. 90. 8. ibid. p. 91. 9. Kurowski, The Brandenburgers - Global Mission, p. 136. 10. ibid. p. 137. 11. Weale, Renegades, p. 213. 12. ibid., p. 213. 13. Littlejohn, Foreign Legions of the Third Reich, Vol.4, p. 127. 14. Davis, Flags of the Third Reich 2: Waffen SS, pp. 21-22. 15. Weale, op. cit. p. 213. 16. ibid. p.213. 17. Davis, op. cit., p. 22. 18. Weale, op. cit. p. 213 and Davis, op. cit., p. 22. 19. Littlejohn, op. cit., p. 128. 20. ibid., p. 128. 21. Weale, op. cit. p. 213 (other sources quote figures of up to 3,000). 22. Caballero Jurado, Foreign Volunteers of the Wehrmacht 1941-45, p. 31. 23. Littlejohn, op. cit., p. 126. 24. ibid., p. 127. 25. Caballero Jurado, op. cit., p. 31. 26. Davis, op. cit., p. 22. 27. Littlejohn, op. cit., p. 126. 28. Caballero Jurado, op. cit., p. 31 and Houterman, Eastern Troops in Zeeland, The Netherlands, 1943-1945, p. 63. 29. Lepre, Himmler's Bosnian Division, p. 117. 30. Littlejohn, op. cit., p. 126. 31. Weale, op. cit. p. 213 (Becker's mother died shortly after his birth in 1915 and when his father died in 1924 the nine year old orphan was taken to live in Germany by an uncle. He returned to Britain in 1935 to work for a German company but was travelling in Germany when war broke out in September 1939. He presented himself to the German authorities and was given a choice between incarceration in a civilian internment camp or working as non-combatant attached to the German Army with the specialist rank of Sonderführer. Weale, op. cit. p. 213-214) 32. ibid. p. 214. 33. Davis, op. cit., pp. 42-43. 34. Littlejohn, op. cit., pp. 130-132. 35. ibid pp. 130-131. 36. ibid., p. 135. 37. ibid., p. 137-138. 38. Kurowski, op. cit., p. 137. 39. Boyd, The Japanese Submarine Force and World War II, p. 117. 40. Fay, The Forgotten Army, p. 200. 41. Kurowski, op. cit., p. 137. 42. ibid., p. 138. 43. ibid., p. 138. 44. ibid., p. 138. 45. Houterman, op. cit., p. 63. 46. ibid., p. 63. 47. ibid., p. 63. 48. ibid., p. 63. 49. ibid., p. 63. 50. Davis, op. cit., p. 22. 51. Littlejohn, op. cit., p. 127. 52. ibid., p. 129. 53. Davis, op. cit., p. 22. 54. ibid., p. 22. 55. Houterman, op. cit., p. 63. 56. Littlejohn, op. cit., p. 127. 57. Davis, op. cit., p. 22. 58. ibid. p. 22. 59. Fay, op. cit. pp. 384-385. 60. Kurowski, op. cit., p. 139. 61. ibid., p. 139. |
Pakistans New Anti Terrorism Strategy
Hafiz Saeeds Key Aide Killed by Hired Assasins
Central leader of Jamat ud Dawah Pakistan, Khalid Bashir was laid to rest today in presence of thousands of mourners at a local graveyard at Hajveri Housing scheme, Harbans pura, Lahore. His funeral prayers were offered by Prof.Hafiz Saeed, the Ameer of Jamat ud dawah. Among those who attended the funeral services were central leaders of Jamat, Abdul Rehman Makki, Hafiz Abdul Ghaffar Madni, Mufti Mubashir Ahmed Rabbani, Mufti Abdul Rehman Abid, Hafiz Saifullah Mansoor, Maulana Saifullah Khalid, Nasar Javed, Qari Muhammad Yaqoob Sheikh, Haji Nazir Ahmed, Hafiz Muhammad Masood, Maulana Abu Al-Hashim, Hafiz Abdul Rauf, Muhammad Yahya Mujahid, Hafiz Khalid Waleed, Haji Javedul Hasan, Engr.Naveed Qamar, Hafiz Talha Saeed, Hafiz Abdul Majid Salfi, Maulana Muhammad Idrees Farooqi, and others including local religious, civil and political personalities, students and scholars, Senior clerics including thousands of workers, district and regional leaders of Jamat ud Dawah.
Heart wrenching scenes were witnessed during the funeral, when Prof.Hafiz Saeed was unable to control tears during prayers while thousands of attendees were also finding difficult to control their love and emotions with the martyred leader. During his address, Prof.Hafiz Saeed said, this specific incident of terrorism is a severe tragedy for Khalid and whole organization. Jamat ud Dawah is custodian of 7500 plus martyrs but this single martyrdom is different in nature, said Prof.Hafiz Saeed.
Whole world acknowledges the fact that Jamat ud Dawah is working for preaching and reform in the country, and that it remains vigilant in the obligation of defending and uniting societies and ummah, therefore this remains the reason for enmity against us. Workers should remain patient on Khalid Bashir's martyrdom; unity and solidarity is needed today to repel the conspiracies of enemies of Islam by fulfilling our responsibilities. He said, the way Khalid Bashir was abducted and martyred in gruesome manner shows the involvement of Anti-Islam forces who are engaged in terrorism in Pakistan by inciting violence to cause chaos and anarchy.
This is a significant incident in last 25 years, this is a magnanimous attack on Jamat ud dawah, which we consider a challenge. To expose the enemies, hot pursuit will not stop by the will of ALLAH. Prof Hafiz Saeed said that the agents of foreign powers in Pakistan are hatching deadly conspiracies in Pakistan. American Raymond Davis admitted during interrogation to be on an espionage mission against Jamat ud dawa when he was caught, Government and Law enforcement agencies should take highest level of action against these agents operating in Pakistan and bring them to justice said Prof.Hafiz Saeed.
Praising Khalid Waleed he said, that his services for Islam are countless and his sacrifice will not be in vain. We hope ALLAH accepts his martyrdom and grants him highest merits in Heavens. Jamat ud Dawah's central leaders Saifullah Mansoor, Maulana Abu Al-Hashim and Idress Farooqi said that Khalid had no personal enmity with anyone, agents of foreign powers are involved in this tragic incident. We consider the death of martyrdom an honor for every Muslim, a reward that even Prophet Muhammad peace be upon him prayed and desired. The need of the hour is that workers observe sheer patience and turn to ALLAH with prayers for Pakistan, its safety and protection from the enemies of Islam. It is to be noted that Khalid Bashir was abducted from Hajveri Housing scheme, Hanspura Town and on the eve of 17th May, his dead body was recovered from a canal in Sheikhupura.
JAMAT-UD-DAWAH LEADERS URGE SPEEDY ARREST OF KHALID BASHIR'S KILLERS
A COLD START WAR TRIAL IN KASHMIR
30 November, 2008
THE FUTURE OF INDO PAK CONFLICT-A.H AMIN
A.H AMIN
Only fools think that peace can be established in between Pakistan and India.
The roots of this conflict are deep.Roots which go back 1300 years in history.
Broad stages of this process are as following:--
1-Initial Arab Muslim Attacks and the Carmathian Kingdom of Multan -711-1005
2-Turkish Muslim Attacks from what is now modern Afghanistan -1005-1206
3-Establishment of Muslim Dynasty in India and rules of various dynasties-1206-1526
4-Mughal Empire 1526-1707
5-Fragmentation of Mughal Empire and Hindu Sikh and Jat Revolts -1707-1748
6-Consolidation of Hindu and Sikh States in India -1748-1803
5-Sikhs and Hindu States Challenged and Muslims Rescued by English East India Company 1803-1849.
6-Complete British Control on India 1849-1947
7-Partition of India and Establishment of Pakistan and Bharat
8-Re start of the Hindu Muslim struggle and its continuation -1947-todate including three wars and a series of multiple undeclared wars.
The partition of India did not end the Hindu Muslim confrontation because of the genocide during transfer of population and the Kashmir Dispute.
Both states were suspicious of each other which led to three wars.Both states launched various undeclared proxy wars against each other.
The major trends were :--
1-Militarisation and an arms race between the two states from 1947 till todate.
2-Resort to military means to achieve ends in 1947,1965 and 1971.
3-Acquisition of nuclear power by India and in turn Pakistani nuclear acquisitions -1973-1998.
4-The 1971 war which created Bangladesh another Muslim state and the deep psychological trauma of defeat in Pakistan.
5-The Afghan war which militarised Pakistan and introduced a new militant Islam consisting of many non state actors-1978-2008 and the trend is intensifying.
6-The Afghan guerrilla war and its repitition in Kashmir
7-Another homegrown religious militancy in shape of Shia Sunni rivalry following Iranian revolution of 1979.
8-US occupation of Afghanistan in 2001 which further complicated the issue.
Centre of gravity/strength/weaknesses of Pakistan:--
1-Pakistani nuclear programme.
2-Pakistans Army
3-Pakistans ideology.Disturb this as against ethnicity and the country is balkanised.
4-With conventional forces Indians can defeat Pakistan but the nuclear deterrent of Pakistan is a major hurdle.
5-Its multi ethnic structure is a weakness.
Centre of gravity/strength/weaknesses of India:--
1-Militarily it has depth and difficult to defeat.
2-Its political system which has so far successfully stood the challenges of time.
3-Pakistan does not have the military potential to defeat India.
4-Its economy which so far is vibrant.
5-Its multi ethnic structure is a weakness.Particularly its huge Muslim minority.
The major features of the situation are:--
1-Continuous increase in conventional forces since 1947 on both sides.
2-Acquisition of nuclear weapons and missile technology by both sides.
3-An ever increasing intelligence operations waged by both sides right from 1947 , notably ficussing on ethnic wars,sectarian wars,terrorist acts with both sides using neighbouring states like Afghanistan,Bangladesh,Nepal,Sri Lanka,UAE,Tajikisatn,Iran,Burma,Azerbaijan,Uzbekistan and various other countries as launching pads.
4-Increase in population and rapid decrease in resources on both sides notably the water and power issues.
5-Both countries are multi ethnic while India has a large Muslim minority.Both countries have a nationalities problem.
6-Various third parties want to use both Pakistan and India against each other or against China , notably this includes both USA and China,so this further complicates the issue.
7-Non state actors have become a serious contender on both sides i the last ten years.These actors can be manipulated by third parties to create teror in India or Pakistan.
8-In Pakistan the military is a direct beneficiary of any armed conflict and is against any long term peace settlement.Further in Pakistan policy making is manipulated and dominated by the military whereas in India the civilian decision makers are in control.
Seen in this context the future trends would be :--
1-The intelligence wars will continue in Indian,Balochistan,Karachi,Pashtun areas and Afghanistan and both sides will try their best to undermine each other.
2-Conventional wars will not be fought because of the nuclear deterrent but wars will be fought by economic warfare,low intensity warfare etc.
3-Islamic extremism will remain a rising and expanding phenomenon and would have the potential of seriously destroying Pakistan.
4-A superpower intervention to denuclearise Pakistan is a distinct possibility in the next ten years if superpower efforts to bring change through covert means and through cultivated elements fails in Pakistan.This is a distinct possibility .
The conflict will continue unless :--
1- A major armed conflict decides the issue- 50 %
2- Unless both India and Pakistan are Balkanised or one of them is Balkanised - 50 %
3-Both the states are denuclearised and settle their disputes- 10 %
4-The statlemate continues with the silent intelligence wars going on for the next 50 years --- 60 % chance
Having said that I must add one incident that my father narrated when he visited West Germany in 1988 .He asked the hosts " Can the Germanies unite? " .....not in our lifetime came the reply " ......and it happened in 1991.So prophecy in history is not easy.Sometimes all that we assess proves wrong.So lets hope for the best.
http://low-intensity-conflict-review.blogspot.com/
can India and Pakistan make Peace – Agha.H.Amin , Major (r)
CAN INDIA AND PAKISTAN MAKE PEACE – AGHA.H.AMIN , MAJOR (R)
Fwd: FW: Egypt: A Tissue of Lies by Tariq Ramadan
Egypt: A Tissue of Lies
Tariq Ramadan
It's dangerous to be a friend of the United States in the Middle East. A fact the US government knows better than any political player in the Arab world, starting with America's best friends ! The strategy is simple : cover your tracks, forget history, don't let cold hard facts get in the way. For the last sixty years, the United States has supported the Egyptian army and the successive dictatorial regimes (Nasser, despite tense relations, then Sadat and Mubarak) that protected their geostrategic interests, promoted "regional security" and, of course, defended Israel. Nothing has changed : the American administration was squarely behind the June 30 military coup, which was planned well in advance by the army high command and its civilian allies, including Mohammed el-Baradei. As early as 2008-2009 el-Baradei, one of the US's key Egyptian strategic assets, had been advancing by stealth. In my Islam and the Arab Awakening I published comments by American officials about him and his involvement in the April 6 Movement (1). On the day of the coup, the US refused to describe it as such in order not to interrupt support for its military allies and the new political power structure. Secretary of State John Kerry could only confirm what serious analysts already knew when he stated a few days later that on June 30 the army had "restored the democratic process." There can be no doubt that the US government fully supports the Egyptian armed forces. Its regional allies quickly swung into action : billions of dollars poured in from Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait.
Covering tracks is the strategy of choice. Domestically, the propaganda machine is in high gear : the United States had been meddling in Egyptian affairs by supporting the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). The new political authorities (the interim president, prime minister and, of course, el-Baradei) are playing their parts to perfection : they claim to be "disappointed" by the lack of American backing. In the Washington Post and not in an Egyptian newspaper, General al-Sisi even—astonishingly—accused the US government of abandoning him : "You turned your back on the Egyptians, and they won't forget that." (2)Washington Post, August 3, 2013 It was a clever gambit, one that managed to fool a section of the Egyptian population. That would make the armed forces and the civilian transitional government out to be courageous and independent patriots, while American agents and foreign powers had all along propped up the MB. The Americans know well the power of such propaganda, and the symbolic gestures needed to make it convincing. But it was a lie from start to finish.
The facts and figures produced are a bigger lie : 30 million Egyptians took to the streets, they tell us, and 16 million signed an anti-government petition. Where do these figure, intoned like a mantra in the media, come from ? By comparing images from the pilgrimage to Mecca with those produced on June 30 (by the Egyptian military, which transmitted them to press agencies around the world : Google claims not to have broadcast them), experts estimate the total turnout at no more than four or five million. In fact, the figure of 30 million is preposterous, as are the 16 million signatures, especially for anyone familiar with social conditions on the ground in Egypt. New propaganda ; new lies.
It is clear that many Egyptians were frustrated by the situation, exacerbated by power outages and gasoline shortages prior to June 30, which suddenly ended the day after the coup. But the breadth of the protest movement was blown up out of all proportion. Almost unanimously the Egyptian people—so the story goes—proclaimed its support for its liberator, general al-Sisi, that great democrat totally unconnected with the United States. This while the International Herald Tribune revealed only a few days later, his close relations with the US and with Israel (3).
In the distorting mirror of such propaganda, it is essential to present today's demonstrators only as followers of deposed president Mohammed Morsi, or as members of the Muslim Brotherhood. But the Egyptian population is not made up entirely of imbeciles, "democrats" who support the armed forces or "Islamists" on the side of the Brotherhood. This lie, stuffed down our throats by Egyptian and Western media outlets, is designed to obscure the ideological dimension of demonstrations opposing the coup d'État. In all the cities and towns of Egypt, the people in the streets are by no means all members or supporters of the MB. They include women and men, secularists alongside Islamists, Copts as well as Muslims, youth and older people who reject manipulation and a return to military rule in the guise of "democracy." Many young people were and remain critical of Mr. Morsi and of the MB and their policies, but there is nothing naïve about their understanding of what is at stake politically. In fact, the ongoing mass protests appear to be the unexpected spanner in the strategic works of the Egyptian army, the interim government and their American allies. A mass outpouring of non-violent citizens against the "democratic" military coup carried out in the name of the selfsame people has left many faces spattered with egg.
But wait ! Add another lie, and claim that the people in the street are not only members of the MB, but potential extremists working hand-in-glove with the "terrorists" of Hamas (a propaganda trick that never fails in the West) who would not hesitate to use violence. Foreign Minister, Nabil Fahmy, lent public credence to the fabrication when he claimed that Amnesty International had noted that the demonstrators were armed or were concealing weapons. Amnesty immediately published a communiqué sharply denying his allegations (4). The new Egyptian authorities are now attempting to demonize the non-violent demonstrators in the streets ; in the wake of the July 8 massacre, when the police fired on the unarmed crowd in the name of legitimate defense. A new media campaign is now being deployed : if the government wishes to clear the streets of demonstrators—as it claims—the demonstrators must be portrayed as dangerous and violent, as "terrorists." Western media are unfortunately quite happy to play along with the Egyptian military and civilian authorities. Anything can happen in the coming days. Violent actions by tiny, unidentified "extremist" or "terrorist" groups (the Egyptian secret services are past masters at concocting perfectly synchronized "clashes" or "attacks") may be used to justify massive police and military action (while trying to surround and isolate the protesters) . The next big lie : the armed forces are simply defending themselves.
As I continue to emphasize, the Islamists cannot be exempt from criticism. The situation in the Middle East is grave ; the future is murky. It is as if the project to bring democracy to the region proclaimed by US President George W. Bush in 2003 provided, in fact, an immense immense template for regional destabilization modeled on the "liberation" of Iraq. Political systems and regimes would be undermined, oil and mineral resources secured, and the State of Israel, silently and to the accompaniment of yet another episode in the "peace process," would continue its deliberate strategy of colonization. Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Yemen (and even Sudan) are caught up in the maelstrom ; the Gulf States are operating on a short leash.
Hopes were high that Barack Obama would be a president of renewal and openness. He has been nothing of the kind. What a pathetic record ! As Noam Chomsky has stated, Mr. Obama has done even less than his predecessors to resolve the Israel-Palestine conflict. In fact, he has accomplished nothing. His image was that of the appealing African-American president, the gifted orator who has proved just as cynical as his immediate precursor. Meanwhile, the lies go on ; the citizens of Egypt, like the Iraqis, the Syrians and the Palestinians, should bear in mind that the US government speaks the truth when it affirms that it loves nothing quite so much as democracy.
In the face of this tissue of lies, the non-violent demonstrators—women and men, secularists and Islamists, Copts and Muslims, agnostics and atheists—are the true expression of the Egyptian awakening. They must stand upright, unarmed ; reject lies, propaganda and manipulation ; they must become masters of their destiny.
==
(1) Relations between El-Baradei and the United States had not always been cordial. The Egyptian diplomat had sharply criticized American reluctance to call for reform of the regime as a "farce." But closer analysis points to relations of an entirely different kind. Those between Barack Obama and Mohamed El-Baradei are excellent ; the latter has not stinted in his praise for George W. Bush's successor. In the run-up to Mubarak's replacement, the Obama administration calculated that El-Baradei's notoriously poor relations with the Bush administration and with the United States might well prove to be an advantage. As former State Department advisor Philip D. Zelikow noted : "Ironically, the fact that El-Baradei cross swords with the Bush administration on Iraq and Iran helps him in Egypt, and God forbid we should do anything to make it seem like we like him." A near-identical analysis appeared in Foreign Affairs magazine one year before the uprisings. Pointing out that being seen as friendly with the Americans or being supported by them was a negative factor for any political figure in search of credibility with Egyptians, Steven A. Cook, the article's author, added : "If ElBaradei actually has a reasonable chance of fostering political reform in Egypt, then U.S. policymakers would best serve his cause by not acting strongly. Somewhat paradoxically, ElBaradei's chilly relationship with the United States as IAEA chief only advances U.S. interests now." Islam and the Arab Awakening, Oxford 2012, p. 30
(2)Washington Post, August 3, 2013
(3) International Herald Tribune, read my article Egypt, Coup d'Etat, Act II
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Since, things are not going as they wished in Afghanistan, they are getting uneasy.